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borders all the other states, shaping the range and scope of regional cooperation) and should
receive the most U.S. attention, while others argue that ties with "energy behemoth"
Kazakhstan are more crucial to U.S. interests. In general, however, they support bolstering
reforms and stability in the region. Such advocates of U.S. involvement argue that political
instability and the growth of terrorist groups in Central Asia can produce spillover effects
both in nearby states, including U.S. allies and friends such as Turkey, and worldwide. They
also argue that the United States has a major interest in preventing terrorist regimes or groups
from illicitly acquiring Soviet-era technology for making weapons of mass destruction
(WMD). They maintain that U.S. interests do not perfectly coincide with those of its allies
and friends, that Turkey and other actors possess limited aid resources, and that the United
States is in the strongest position as the sole superpower to influence democratization and
respect for human rights. They stress that U.S. leadership in fostering reform will help
alleviate the social distress exploited by Islamic extremist groups to gain adherents.
Similarly, U.S. aid and investment is viewed as strengthening the independence of the
Central Asian states and forestalling Russian or Chinese attempts to subjugate them.
Some views of policymakers and academics who previously objected to a more forward
U.S. policy toward Central Asia appeared less salient after September 11, 2001, but aspects
of these views could gain more credence if Afghanistan becomes more stable. These
observers argued that the United States historically had few interests in this region and that
developments there remained largely marginal to U.S. interests. They discounted fears that
anti-Western Islamic extremism would make enough headway to threaten secular regimes
or otherwise harm U.S. interests. At least until the coup in Kyrgyzstan in March 2005 (see
below, Democratization), these observers argued that the United States should not try to
foster democratization among cultures they claimed are historically attuned to
authoritarianism. Some observers reject arguments that U.S. interests in anti-terrorism,
nonproliferation, regional cooperation, trade, and investment outweigh concerns over
democratization and human rights. These observers urge reducing or cutting off most aid to
repressive states that widely violate human rights. They warn that the populations of these
states may come to view U.S. engagement as propping up authoritarian leaders and as
focused only on energy and military access. Some observers point to civil problems in the
region as a reason to eschew major U.S. involvement such as military access that might place
more U.S. personnel and citizens in danger.
Post-September 11 and Afghanistan. Since the terrorist attacks on the United
States on September 11, 2001, the Administration has stated that U.S. policy toward Central
Asia focuses on three inter-related activities: the promotion of security, domestic reforms,
and energy development. According to then-Deputy Assistant Secretary of State B. Lynn
Pascoe in testimony in June 2002, the September 11 attacks led the Administration to realize
that "it was critical to the national interests of the United States that we greatly enhance our
relations with the five Central Asian countries" to prevent them from becoming harbors for
terrorism.
After September 11, 2001, all the Central Asian states soon offered overflight and other
assistance to U.S.-led anti-terrorism efforts in Afghanistan. The states were predisposed to
welcome such operations. Tajikistan and Uzbekistan had long supported the Afghan
Northern Alliance's combat against the Taliban, and all the Central Asian states feared
Afghanistan as a base for terrorism, crime, and drug trafficking (even Turkmenistan, which
tried to reach some accommodation with the Taliban) (see also below, Security).CRS-2
09-01-05
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Nichol, Jim. Central Asia: Regional Developments and Implications for U.S. Interests, report, September 1, 2005; Washington D.C.. (https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc815090/m1/5/: accessed July 17, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, UNT Digital Library, https://digital.library.unt.edu; crediting UNT Libraries Government Documents Department.