Register of Debates in Congress, Comprising the Leading Debates and Incidents of the Second Session of the Twentieth Congress Page: 141
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OF DEBATES IN CONGRESS.
141
Dr,c. 30, 1828.]
Occupancy of the Oregon Iliver-
[h. ot- r.
This provision leaves the question of right as it stood
before the occupation by the British. Thus stands the
question of right to this'moment. It may then be fairly
presumed that Great Britain will not, in the face of these ac-
knowledged facts, of first discovery and settlement, and
of the law of nations, readily wage war with the United
States to make conquest of that country. It would be a
naval war—a war attended with too great risk to her repu-
tation, her commerce, and all her great interests. If the Ore-
gon Kiver and territory should continue in the possession of
the British, it may be expected to become, at some future
period, a theatre of war between the two nations. The same
policy that led to the acquisition of Louisiana and the
Floridas points to the occupation of the Oregon. This
measure is pointed out by, I may say, parental affection
and prudence, due on the part of this Government, toward
our successors, the children of the old S tates, destined by
Providence to carry westward, to the utmost bounds, the
blessings of civilization and of liberty. A third objection
to the proposed occupation has some plausibility. It is
an old objection. It is, that the safety of tliis Union will
be endangered by its extension—by its becoming un-
wieldy.
The forebodings which were opposed to the acquisition
of Louisiana, have been, as I conceive, happily answered
by experience. Had not Louisiana been in the possession
of the United States, there is great probability, that, ere
this time, powerful rival States would have existed there,
to vex this Union with the vicissitudes of war and revolu-
tion, and with all the troubles that ambitious and turbu-
lent neighbors have power to cause. A glance of thought
on the course of events cannot but awaken feelings of ven-
eration for the name of that great statesman to whose
wisdom this Union is so much indented for results so hap-
py as have been realised, in our own time, from the acqui-
sition of that country. Sir, I do not believe that a wise
system of government—a system well balanced antl ad-
justed—loses strength by being- extended. The princi-
ples of self-government are capable of universality. They
arc in concert with the laws of the moral universe, and
are ap plicable to communities on the broadest scale. True,
indeed, the territory proposed to be occupied will be a
great distance from the seat of the General Government.
Will this be a disadvantage? Why may not Missouri or
Maine derive as much real benefit from the General Go-
vernment as Maryland, or even the District of Columbia?
Do they not actually derive as much? In my heart I be-
lieve they do. Improvements of this age have greatly in-
creased the facilities for travelling antl intercourse. Hy
tile aid of these, the traveller goes on his way, day and
night, a(: the rate of twelve miles an hour, lie is trans-
ported from clime to clime as by magic art.
Admitting that the distance from this meridian to the
mouth of the Oregon, by tiie branches of the rivers be-
tween these two points, be three times as great as the di-
rect distance, the journey may be performed in the
time which, a few years since, was required to travel from
several parts of the U nion to the seat of Government. The
relation between the General and Territorial or State Go-
vernments is not essentially alfected by distance. For
the most important purposes it makes, as I apprehend,
little difference whether a State or territory be on the
east or west side of the Rocky Mountains.
This, sir, 1 consider as the most favorable time for Con-
gress to authorize the measure proposed. If the term
of ten years, as limited by treat}- for the mutual occu-
pation of the river and territory, by the citizens of the
United States and of Great Britain, should have long ex-
pired, without measures on the part of this Government
to claim its right, the fact will naturally be considered as
an abandonment of our claim. For myself, I am unwil-
ling to take the responsibility of such a course as that.
Should t consent to a tame surrender of a rightful claim
to an extensive and valuable country to Great Britain, or
any other Power, I should not know how to answer it to
my country, or to myself, as a faithful public servant. It
would-be a proof of degeneracy from that spirit of my
ancestors in which I glory. The proposed occupation, it
is true, may, perhaps, be attended with expense to this
Government for a few years. A post must be establish-
ed, and a government supported. But a country of na-
tural resources, so rich and abundant, will soon repay the
expenditures. Under the fostering care of this Govern-
ment, territories soon become States, providing for them-
selves and augmenting the resources of the Union.
This country, sir, is evidently, to my mind, destined to
be an asylum for the surplus population of some parts of
the Eastern continent. Multitudes of Europeans are
stretching their view towards America, as presenting- the
only prospect of their recovery to the freedom and hap-
piness which God ai>d nature designed for man. Although
I would not invite emigration to this country as a philan-
thropist, as a Christain I could not oppose it. Besides,
there is a sort of hereditary propensity in a considerable
part of the population of the old States to emigrate to
new countries. The fact was mentioned some days since
by my highly respected colleague, [Mr. Evebett] that a
company of three thousand persons, in Boston and its
vicinity, have already associated, and had petitioned for
the permission and aid of this Government to enable them
to emigrate to the territory which this bill proposes to
occupy. The gentleman corrects me, and says he did
not intend to represent that company as belonging wholly
to Boston and its vicinity. Another, and yet another
company are asking similar aid and protection. For these
reasons I am in favor of the object of the bill. It proposes
the exercise of a just and perfect right, and the fulfil-
ment of a trust. It proposes, as 1 believe, a measure of
sound and good policy, with reference both to economy
and to the preservation of our future peace w ith other na-
tions. It proposes an extension of the blessings of civi-
lization, of freedom, and happiness, to the human race.
Sir, I shall deem it a high satisfaction if my very humble
efforts may aid a measure that proposes objects so worthy
of the countenance of this Government, and so congenial
with the spirit of generous and successful enterprise that
planted, within so brief a period, the standard of free
government on the shores of North America.
Mr. DUAYTON said that, although he concurred with
the gentleman from Virginia [Mr. I'umil in the general
principle of the bill which he had reported, he differed
from him in sonic of its details. The bill assumed that the
territory described in it, within 42° and 54° and 40'
of north latitude, belonged to the United States. This
was in dispute. Our Government has offered, by way of
compromise, to relinquish that portion of it which lies
beyond the 49th parallel of latitude. Their offer was not
accepted; Great Britain denying our right to any part of the
country on the Northwest Coast of America westward of
the Stony Mountains. I presume [said Mr. D.'J that our
Government can establish its claim to the whole of it; but
as tile question lias not been decided, and as, in tile third
article of our convention with Great Britain, of 20th
October, 1818, it is stipulated that the whole country
should remain free and open for ten years, (which term,
in 1827, was extended to a further term of 10 years) were
the United States to erect it into a ten-itory, to be re-
gulated by their laws, they would, manifestly, commit a
breach, of their treaty. Congress has no authority to as-
certain and define the boundaries of territory in dispute
between the United States and a foreign kingdom; this
must be effected by diplomatic negotiation and by treaty;
until then, no exclusive legislation can be exercised, either
by America or by Great Britain. Whilst I object to our
converting a country in dispute into one of our territories,
t do not agree with the gentlemen from Tennessee and
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Gales, Joseph, 1761-1841. Register of Debates in Congress, Comprising the Leading Debates and Incidents of the Second Session of the Twentieth Congress, book, 1830; Washington D.C.. (https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc30754/m1/145/: accessed May 8, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, UNT Digital Library, https://digital.library.unt.edu; crediting UNT Libraries Government Documents Department.