Discussions in Japan in May 1992 related to potential agreements at the September 1992 Russian-Japanese summit were keyed to the central question, Will the barriers to significant commercial cooperation involving Russia, Japan and the United States in Russian Siberia be removed? [1] From these discussions among key Japanese industrialists, bankers, government officials and academics who influence policy, came a tentative "yes", if four conditions are met. A positive outcome would thus seem more likely than at any previous time. Such an outcome would likely promote profitable trade and investment, creating jobs in U.S. enterprises and serve as a vehicle for mutually beneficial U.S.-Japanese cooperation.
Congressional policymaking with respect to trade with Japan is driven by strong domestic interests, appeals to broad political principles, and numerous horror stories. The $43 billion U.S. trade deficit with Japan continues to be a focus of attention, but the deficit is an issue because it reflects aggressive competition between Japanese companies and U.S. industries.
The 1990s are likely to be known as the decade of the trading blocs, although these neo-blocs differ considerably from those of the 1930s. Countries are linking to liberalize the flow of trade and investments across their borders without necessarily raising external barriers. The European Community and the European Free Trade Association are linking to create a European Economic Area, and the United States and Canada have joined in negotiations with Mexico to conclude a North America Free Trade Agreement. In Asia, nations have been studying the idea of a similar arrangement for themselves.
Taiwan and Japan might seem to be two similar island economies when viewed from this side of the Pacific, but they are strikingly dissimilar. Over the twentieth century, their relationship with one another has shifted from colonial to mutual growth and recognition to the current anomaly of an intense economic interchange accompanied by severed diplomatic ties. Between Taiwan and Japan, the private sector is taking the lead in developing a relationship that is both mutually beneficial and strained.
This report contains a list of readings focuses on the current state of the U.S. economic relationship with Japan. A general, introductory section is followed by citations discussing specific Japanese business practices and trade policies which have an impact on the relationship. The bibliography also describes trade trends in specific sectors (including commentaries on the semiconductor agreement) and concludes with a section on policy options.
This list of readings focuses on the current state of the U.S. economic relationship with Japan. A general, introductory section is followed by citations discussing specific Japanese business practices and trade policies which have an impact on the relationship. The bibliography also describes trade trends in specific sectors (including commentaries on the semiconductor agreement) and concludes with a section on policy options.
The prospects for Japan-U.S. relations in a rapidly changing minternational environment were explored in depth in a September 27, 1991, CRS seminar entitled "The Future of U.S.-Japan Relations: Global Partnership or Strategic, Rivalry?" A full transcript of the proceedings was published in February 1992 by the House Committee on Ways and Means as a Committee Print. This report summarizes the principal findings of that seminar.
Japan-U.S. relations are more uncertain and subject to greater strain today than at any time since World War II. Longstanding military allies and increasingly interdependent economic partners, Japan and the United States have worked closely together to build a strong, multifaceted relationship based on democratic values and interests in world stability and development. But Japan today is our foremost economic and technological competitor. The Cold War thaw, discord in U.S.-Japanese relations over the Iraq-Kuwait crisis of 1990-1991, a protracted U.S. recession, and exigencies of U.S. election-year politics raised new questions about the appropriate U.S. policy toward this Asian ally.
Japan is positioned to deploy its troops overseas for the first time since World War II. Under a controversial peacekeeping operations (PKO) bill passed by the Japanese Diet (parliament) on June 15, 1992, Japan is allowed to dispatch Self-Defense Forces (SDF) soldiers abroad for noncombat service with United Nations peacekeeping forces (PKF). [1] The politically sensitive PKO legislation comes two years after Japan was stung by international criticism for its failure to send troops to the Persian Gulf, even just for noncombat support. The day after the passage of the bill, Prime Minister Kiichi Miyazawa pledged an early dispatch of SDF personnel to Cambodia.
With Japan the United States has had one of its most important, and, at the same time, one of its most difficult, trading rela- tionships. Japan ranks second to Canada as the largest U.S. export market. It is also the largest single source of imports to the United States.
Japan,s rise as a leading economic power has been attributed to many factors. Increasingly, attention has focused on Japan,s ability to apply innovative technologies to develop new products. Technology development and applications are at the core of a system in which the government and the private sector facilitate industrial policies and practices. Japanese research and development efforts increasingly stress what one Japanese policymaker calls the "fusion" solution, or combining advances in different technologies to generate new products and innovations.
Elections for half of the 252 seats of the upper house of Japan's Diet (parliament) will be held in late July 1992. The ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) appears unlikely to regain the majority it lost in the previous upper house election in July 1989. It appears that continued, but sometimes difficult, cooperation between the LDP and some of the smaller opposition parties is one likely result of the 1992 election. On the other hand, there is a possibility that significant political changes, such as the formation of a coalition government or even a reorganization of the political parties, could result from an opposition victory. As of early June, there are two large sources of uncertainty regarding the upcoming election: first, the LDP could dissolve the lower house and hold a lower house election on the same day as the upper house election, which would alter all calculations of likely outcomes; and second, political scandals which would probably hit the LDP hardest could be brought to light before the election.
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