Kosovo and U.S. Policy Page: 3 of 6
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CRS-3
rebels appears to be increasing rapidly, and Serbian police and Yugoslav army units have
been heavily reenforced. In late April 1998, Serbian police and Yugoslav military forces
said they had repulsed attempts by ethnic Albanians to enter Kosovo from Albania with
large supplies of weapons and ammunition. The Yugoslav army has accused Albania of
aiding these rebel gun-running efforts, and has reportedly stationed large numbers of
troops with heavy weapons close to the border with Albania.
A massive Serbian offensive in late May and early June against ethnic Albanian
villages areas of Kosovo near the Albanian border has caused scores of deaths and the
flight of over 65,000 people from their homes, including several thousand who fled to
Albania and the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM). Military observers
say that Serbian forces are attempting to clear border areas of civilians who could support
Kosovar rebels operating in the area. Kosovar guerillas have reportedly been hampered
by a lack of training and effective central leadership, as well as costly efforts to seize and
hold villages and roads against greatly superior Serb firepower.
After prodding by U.S. envoys Richard Holbrooke and Robert Gelbard, Rugova
agreed to open talks with Serbian authorities without the presence of an international
mediator, which the Kosovars had previously demanded and Serbian authorities had
ruled out. On May 15, Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic met with Kosovar leader
Ibrahim Rugova for the first time since the collapse of the former Yugoslavia. They
agreed to regular weekly meetings of lower-level Serbian and Kosovar delegations. After
an initial meeting on May 22, the talks were suspended after the renewed Serb offensive
in late May 1998.
The positions of the two sides on Kosovo's status are far apart. The Kosovars insist
that they will insist on nothing less than independence for Kosovo, which many Kosovar
see as a stepping-stone to unification with Albania. Serb officials are opposed to granting
substantial autonomy to Kosovo, such as it enjoyed before Milosevic abolished it in 1989-
1990. If the talks are to be successful, observers say the two sides may have to reach
agreement on smaller steps to build confidence and reduce tensions in the province,
before resolving the seemingly intractable question of Kosovo's ultimate status. During
a May 29 visit to the United States with Rugova and other Kosovar leaders, Kosovar
negotiator Veton Surroi hinted at such an approach, saying at this stage the most
important thing is not to settle the final status of Kosovo, but to give people there "the
power...to determine their fate" through "moves toward democratic institution-building."
Rugova's agreement to open unconditional talks with Serbian authorities is highly
controversial among ethnic Albanians in Kosovo, but his personal standing as their leader
appears intact at present. However, if the talks do not produce significant Serbian
concessions, Rugova, the LDK, and the non-violent approach they represent could lose
more political ground to the KLA. If this occurs, it could make negotiating a settlement
more difficult, given the KLA's shadowy organization and uncompromising rhetoric.
Another problem is that it is unclear whether Rugova could "deliver" an end to KLA
attacks in exchange for possible Serb concessions, since the KLA is not represented at the
talks and does not appear to have close links with the LDK leadership.
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Kosovo and U.S. Policy, report, June 16, 1998; Washington D.C.. (https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc810199/m1/3/: accessed April 23, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, UNT Digital Library, https://digital.library.unt.edu; crediting UNT Libraries Government Documents Department.