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APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL GLOBE.
[February-19,
34th Cong....3d Sess.
Privileges of Members—-Mr. Bennett.
Ho. of Reps.
hundreds and thousands of our industrious me-
cf&nics and artisans*
^ Although not strictly germane to the question
before the House, yet, inasmuch as the subject
has been introduced, I will merely note as I pas-j
along the relative steam marine force of different
countries, which I think will satisfy any gentle-
man that we are far behind our neighbors in this
enterprise. England has five hundred war steam-
ers; she has also ninety-one lines running direct
from England to foreign ports, containing over
four hundred mail steamers, and twenty-five lines
having one hundred and five steamers running
between- foreign ports in connection with the
above, making a total of one hundred and sixteen
mail linos, owning five hundred and five vessels,
making one thousand and five war steamers; and
in addition to this, she has a mercantile steam
fle.et of nine hundred and seventy-five, making a
grand total of one thousand nine hundred and
eighty ocean going steamers. Many of their lines
now carry on the direct trade between continental
Europe and the United States. France has one hun-
dred and thirty steamers on the Mediterranean,
Levant, Black, North, and Baltic seas. Austria
has one hundred and ten steamers on the above
seas; and Russia has, when contracts are filled,
for the same seas eighty, and twenty-five on the
Baltic. Tho United States Government luis only
twenty war steamers, eight of which only carry
from goc to six a;uiis, some of which are not fit
to be sent out of the harbor. The commercial,
mail, and passenger business, by steamships, be-
tween the TJnited'Stares and England and the con-
tinent, is carried on by sixty-six steamships,
forty-four of which are British, five Belgian, four
Hamburg, five French, and only fight Amer-
ican. Of the eight American vessels, four are
running to Liverpool, two to Havre, and two to
Bremen. Thus U will be seen that we own no
steam line running between tho United States and
the great money distributing point on the con-
tinent, (Hamburg,) the want of which compels us
to pay about ten millions per annum in the shape
of commissions, or transit dues, to Great Ornain.
In connection with this subject, let me make
one remark relative to the consumption of coal.
The six lines of steamers, getting the half of thei**
supply of coal from the United States, consumed
during the last year about 100,000 tons, amount-
ing to about $500,000. The 400 English mail
steamers, running direct from England, may be
divided into three classes: the first class, seventy-
two in number, has a tonnage of over i2,000 tons;
134 belonging to another class, having a tonnage of
from GOO to 1,500 tons, and 204 to another class, of
from 200 to 600 tons. These vessels consume, per
round trip, 189,000 tons of coal, or ^68,000 tons
per annum, allowing an average monthly trip for
each steamer. The value of this 52,^08,000 tons
of coal in the various depots, is about seven dol-
Idia per ton, or $15,97(^000. To mine and trans-
port this employed not less than 500,000 laborers
of all kinds, whose consumption of flour may be
fairly estimated at 500,000 barrels, to say nothing
of other kinds of food consumed by them, the
money for which mostly goes into the pockets of
the farmers. 1 have not time to elaborate this
subject; but I would ask, suppose the United
States had such a fleet of steamers, running to all
parts of the world, bearing with them the prod-
ucts of our own country, and bringing in return
those of other nations, and carrying also our ocean
mails: what would be the effect upon the coal
mining business in Pennsylvania, Maryland, Vir-
ginia, and North Carolina? It would give it such
an impetus as it has never yet received; and in the
prosperity of that branch of industry, the agri-
cultural would participate, since whatever benefits
one benefits all.
Again: of the four or five hundred thousand
doljars which a first-class mail steamer costs, at
least ninety-five per cent, goes directly to the iron
men, lumber men, mechanics and laborers, and
indirectly into the pockets of the farmers; so that
the money is widely distributed and benefits all;
and it is scarcely necessary to say that the true
policy of the statesman is to adopt such measures
as will give life and activity to all branches of
industry and diffuse the money of the rich among
those who earn their bread by the'sweat of their
brow.
Mr. Chairman, I have only been able to allude
to some of the interesting topics connected with
the bill before the committee. I do not pretend
to have properly discussed them. Jtwas not my
purpose to attempt to do more than to direct at-
tention to certain matters which seemed to me
important.
Though the bill, as introduced by the Com-
mittee of Ways and Means, is not in all respects
what I would wish it, I prefer it to any of the
substitutes which have been proposed. If the
revenue is to be reduced, as seems to be determ-
ined on, I would much prefer that it should be
accomplished by a large increase of the free list,
by placing on it such articles as arc not produced
in this country and enter extensively into the con-
sumption of manufactures here; which will enable
us to retain the duties upon such as come in com-
petition with our own productions. We should
thus, in raising revenue for the support of Gov-
ernment, give incidental protection to our labor
and enterprise, which is the policy of every Gov-
ernment having the least claim to wisdom and
sagacity. Icommendthis policy, Mr. Chairman,
to the Committee of Ways and Means, and espe-
cially to the distinguished gentleman who stands
at its head, [Mr. Campbell,] whose ability, dis-
cretion, and unremitted devotion to the public
interests, have won for him a most enviable but
well earned reputation as an enlightened and faith-
ful national legislator.
I beg leave, Mr. Chairman, to return my thanks
to the committee for the patient attention they
have been kind enough to give mc whije making
these desultory remarks, and have only to regret
that I could not throw more light upon the sub-
jects I have brought to their notice.
PIUVfJLEGUS OF MEMUKRS.
SPEECH OF HON. II. BENNETT,
OF NEW YORK,
In the House of Representatives,
February 19, 1857.
On the question of receiving the Report of the Investiga-
ting Committee in the case of William A. Gilbert, a
member fiom New Yoik.
Mr. BENNETT, of New York, said:
Mr. Speaker: The question now presented is a
serious one. It involves the privileges of every
member of this House, and of his constituents.
It should receive a calm and careful consideration,
and not be acted upon with inconsiderate haste.
In what I may say 1 disclaim intending the slight-
est peisonal reflection upon any member of this
eommittee; but I do intend, with all plainness, to
enter my protest in the strongest terms against
the improper jurisdiction they have assumed, and
the course of proceedings they have adopted in
proceeding against individual members of this
House, without any warrant or authority what-
ever to justify it. I believe they have violated
the privileges of my colleague this day, for tho
first time named by them as a party accused, and
as a party condemned, and the privileges of eveiy
member of this House; that they have violated
every principle of justice and fairness, and every
rule of criminal arid constitutional law; that they
are acting in this matter, so far as Mr. Gilhert
is concerned, without jurisdiction! And acting,
too, in the most irregular and indefensible man-
ner, (even if they had jurisdiction,) by presenting
an accusation and sentence here to-day, written
on the same paper, withouttrial,or time,orchance
afforded for defense or vindication, and demand-
ing of the House to execute forthwith the judg-
ment they have pronounced".
It cannot be denied, that a select committee
like this are confined strictly within the limits of
the authority confer) ed upon them by the House,
and cannot go a single step beyond it. .What
was the authority conferred upon this commit-
tee ? It was to investigate a specific charge of a
corrupt combination of members of Congress,
made by the editor of a newspaper, and indorsed
by a member of this House. To this extent, and
this only, was this committee charged with any
inquiry. The editor of the newspaper said:
" We know that a corrupt organization of mem-
bers of Congress and certain lobby agents at
Washington has existed since early in the ses-
sion of last year. We are well satisfied that this
organization holds the balance of power in its
hands, sufficient, in most cases, to Kill or carry
any measure pending in the House of Repre-
sentatives;" accompanied with various comments
upon this principal charge. The member in-
dorsed it by saying these statements were not
wanting in truth! A committee was appointed.
Their authority was in these words:
Whereas certain statements have been pub-
lished charging that members of the House have
entered into corrupt combinations for the purpose
of passing and preventing the passage of certain
measures now pending before Congress: there-
fore, '
" Resolved, That a committee of five members
be appointed by the Speaker, with power to send
for persons and papers to investigate said charges,
and that said committee report the evidence, and
what action, in their judgment, is necessary on
the part of the House without unnecessary de-
lay."
Their power was expressly confined to a single
subject—the investigation of the "corrupt com-
binations" charged. As to that, and that only
were they authorized to investigate. As to that,
and that only were they authorized to report the
evidence,and whtUaction, if any, was deemed ne-
cessary. All their power was limited to that one
subject. But they have proceeded as if their
authority was unbounded and unlimited—as*if
they were a court of general criminal jurisdiction
—as if they were to fish round in every corrupt
and unclean corner to see if some imputation or
charge against a" member of Congress, in relation
to any separate or individual matter, could not
be made1 by somebody—either that a member had
done something, or at least said something, for
which he could be assailed and hunted down.
And to every charge procured, full faith and
credit are given, no matter how weak, or doubt-
ful, or suspicious the evidence may be to support
it; and no proof is allowed to be strong enough
to disprove a single accusation. •
It appears now, by the paper read from the
Clerk's desk, that this committee, instead of con-
fining; themselves within the limits of their author-
ity—instead of investigative the " corrupt .com-
bination" charged—have extended their inquiries
far beyond that authority, to hunt up individual
cases ofalleged misconduct, different and distinct,
against various members of this House. It ap-
pears also, from the paper read, that this com-
mittee have madca general report in regard to
the very matter they had authority to investigate.
There is no evidence to sustain it, and no action
in regard to it deemed necessary. • And they
have also made several special reports in other
cases about individual members, as to which they
had no authouty given to them by this House.
And it further appears that all the evidence taken
is annexed to the general and regular report.
Why, then, are these special reports made ? Not
to give the evidence; that they do not contain.
They are not necessary to presentany fact which
may be in evidence against any individual mem-
ber; that would appear by the evidence itself.
Why, then, are these four or five special reports
against individual members made ? Is it to make
a one-sided and garbled statement of the evidence?
to present an argument, like prosecuting counsel
against the accused, and thus to urge on and en-
force the hasty and harsh judgment of the com-
mittee upon the ex parte proof they have stepped
out of the line of their duty to obtain? Have not
membeis here a right to see the evidence, and
draw their own conclusions from it; to judge for
themselves what it proves, or whether it really
proves anything at all? Where, in their written
authority, is to be found their right to introduce
their opinion of what is proved, and their argu-
ments as prosecuting attorney against the accused ?
That is what these special, unauthorized reports
contain, and that is substantially all they contain;
and they wind up with the modest resolution, that
thereupon the member shall be, and he is hereby,
expelled! I will not consent in this way to deprive
any district of New York of its Representative.
I will not, by any act or vote of mine, help to
commit such a legislative assassination of the
character of any man.