The Congressional Globe, [Volume 27]: Thirty-Second Congress, Second Session, Appendix Page: 73
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1853.]
APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL GLOBE.
73
32d Cong 2d Sess.
Foreign Policy—Cuba—Mr. Marshall.
Ho. of Reps.
the pomp and flatter the insolence of those poten-
tates to whom their very presence should be a sol-
emn warning; that conservatism which dares not
interpose in friendly mediation between its own
neighbors, without calling in the crowned heads
of Europe to destroy its influence, and laugh at its
folly. Liberal opinions and bold policy may run
into inconsiderate rashness; but prudent conserva-
tism may also degenerate into cowardly imbecility.
The notions of an hundred years past are not ne-
cessarily or generally suitable or safe at this date.
The conservatism of the present day is a mere
eddy in the rushing and resistless tide of human
development and progress. The position of our
continent, its mere geographical position, makes
impossible the policy of conservatism. Placed be-
tween the civilization of the Orientals, which the
maturity of despotism has well-nigh destroyed,
and the nations of Europe still fresh and vigorous
even under the curse of monarchical and aristo-
cratic institutions, commercial necessity, like the
attraction of gravitation, forces contact with both.
Commerce must have its agents, must be protect-
ed. Representatives of the Government, with
political character higher than the mere consul,
and hedged round by the sacred jus postliminii, in-
troduce the very atmosphere of the republic to the
court of the monarch—opinions are diffused, sym-
pathies are created, interests spring up, which
may be affected by the terms of treaties to which
we are not parties; wars and pacifications, trans-
fers of territories by which our rights and privi-
leges may be sacrificed, so blended become the
interests of commercial nations that an injury to
one is an injury to the other. The United* States
must either adopt a Japanese seclusion, or she
will be forced into entangling alliances, and will
become the involuntary propagandist of the hide-
ous principle of republican liberty. Conservatism
is impossible: we must go backward or forward.
We must decline into worse than colonial feeble-
ness, or we must accomplish a mission of world-
wide beneficence. Fogyism itself would look hope-
fully forward from one of our California prom-
ontories, around which break, unchecked in then-
wild play for six thousand miles, the giant waves
ofthe Pacific ocean. (Plenipotentiaries from China
offering unrestricted intercourse)—Fogyism itself
would become a convert to progress, and fancy
the very continent a vast ship voyaging triumph-
antly into that future, which opens bright but
boundless around humanity.
I have said, Mr. Chairman, that the subject to
which I should ask the attention of the committee,
was of a practical character. In the investigation
of the policy of the Administration in the Island
of Hayti, I shall attempt to prove that the doc-
trine of Mr. Monroe, and the principles of na-
tion. x\ law, and the dictates of humanity, and the
impulses of universal manhood, that all the settled
and necessary rules of conduct peculiar to the
United States, as between it and the Powers of
Europe, in the adjustment of the affairs of this
continent, and the instruction and all-pervading
sense of dignity and personal consequence which
regulates the deportment of man to man, have
been openly and absurdly violated. That the
rights and interests of the United States, the
rights and interests of a sister Republic, have been
continually and wantonly sacrificed. These are
strong terms, but I shall endeavor to establish the
title of the Administration to yet stronger epi-
thets. And here, sir, in advance of the argu-
ment, and assuming, for a moment, what I pro-
pose to prove, 1 must express my astonishment
and mortification at the course of the central Dem-
ocratic journal, ^The Union,) in regard to this
affair. This journal, which should be the organ
of the party—which should exert an immense in-
fluence in the formation of public opinion—which
should gather, with patient labor, correct informa-
tion for general diffusion; this paper which should
be a vigilant sentinel over the doings of the Ad-
ministration, has selected this disgraceful negotia-
tion for its approbation. The Union has exhibited
the last degree of ignorance and thoughtlessness
in its article upon this subject, and has not only
failed to throw any light upon it, but has not even
reflected truly the conclusions or reasoning of
even the most careless observers of passing events.
We want beyond everything a party organ which
shall be conducted, not as a commercial specula-
tion, not solely or principally with a view to pecu-
niary advantage, but a periodical which shall be
the jealous guardian of the rights of the people
and the honor of the nation; which shall speak
with the boldness pf conscious knowledge on all
subjects of public importance. Upon this ques-
tion of Hayti, the Republic copies the article ©f
the Union as being perfectly in accordance icith the
views of the Administration. Did not the Union
know, had its editor never heard, that the Demo-
cratic party, so far as it had expressed, by the
press or otherwise, its opinions on this point, had
visited, with the deepest reprobation, the course of
the Administration ?—buttne article itself contains
(what every one in the country knows, and noth-
ing more) enough to convict itself of absurdity,
and the Executive of weakness and disregard of
one of the fundamental principles of American
policy. It says:
" In general, the foreign policy of l'resident Fillmore's
adrninistiation has not been in aceoidance with our notion
of what the foreign jiohcy of this country should be, and we
have been constrained m some instances to express an em-
phatic disapprobation of negotiations which seemed to us
to compromise the dignity and to surrender the lights of the
United States. For tins reason, any instance of ;m encr
getic or wise administration of the foreign alfaiis ol the
count! y by an Executive wiiose general policy we have been
constrained to condemn, will the moie tc.uhly command
our warmest commendation. Such an instance of wise
diplomacy do we jegard the efforts of tins Government, in
conjunction with Gieat Kntam and France, to arrest the
sanguinary designs ol' the negro Empeior of 1-Iayti against
the repubhe of Dominica.
a By som cmcans, publicity has been given to the cone-
spondenec between the State Department and Mi. llobcit
M, Walsh, its agent m the negotiation tor the pacification
of Hayti. In the various papers which constitute this cor-
respondence, the motives and purposes of the Administra-
tion in proffering its good offices m behalf of the Dominican
republic, aie frankly and clearly set foith.
"In 1821, the Spanish portion of the Island of St. Do-
mingo voluntarily subjected itself to ilie government of
Ilayti, then presided over by Boyor. On the expulsion of
Boyer, and on account of the wrongs and grievances which
they had endmed, with a lepetmori ol which they were
menaced, the Dominicans throw offtho subjection of negro
government and established an independent icpuhhc. To
this step the Spanish inhabitant* of St. Domingo wore driven
by the necessity of self-preservation. Not only were their
political lights and their liberty invaded and trampled upon
bythe'hlack barbarians of Ilayti, but the doom of indis-
criminate slaughter and extermination was incessantly held
before them in the thicats of the Macaya and Dcssahnes.
" By the mo>t imperious necessity, tlien, were the Do-
minicans impelled to set up an independent government.
Neveitheless, their act of separation was regarded as a le-
volt by the negroes of IIayti, who propaied to reduce the
rebel whites to subjection by the strong arm of lbice. Ail
the efforts of the Ilaytian government woie unequal, how-
ever, to the recoiupic^t of Dominica. The Sjminaids de-
fended themselves with valor and energy, and, de-jnte the
disparity of numbers, successfully icpelled the invasions of
their toes. They achieved arid established their indepmul-
encc. France formally recognised the republic of Domi-
nica. England and the United States iccoimized it by their
acts. Still Soulouque relu-cd to acknowledge the inde-
pendence ot the Dominicans, and pciaisted in In- effort-- to
reduce them to subjection. In tb'^ juncture, under the
apprehension of a very formidable attack by Soulouque, the
Dominican government solicited the mediation of the Uni-
ted States, Great Britain, and Fiance, to restoic, it possible,
peaceable relations with its savage neighbor. Great Britain
and France promptly acceded to the proposition, impelled
thereto by eveiy cunsideiation of jushco and humanity.
Without leluctance, the United States followed then exam-
ple. The Government dispatched Mr. \VaWi to the lla> -
tian comt, to coupeiate with the representatives oi Great
Britain arid Fiance in Jiic humane emleavot lo persuade
the Emperor Soulouque to abandon his hostile design^
against the Dominicans.
" Pei'Nuasion eoukl not appease his ieioeiou- wjatb,noi
could threats dnve huu fiom hi« bloody puipoM^-. fie pci - i
sisted in his deigns against Domnnca, and would m no :
manner acknowledge its independence. The utmost the ;
mediating i'oweis could effect was the prolongation of an I
existing truce. i
u And this was the issue of a negotiation for which the j
Administration deceives credit, ft ougmated man nnpul.M: |
of humanifv, and sought to protect a civilized community
from the oppression and ferocitv ol a blood-thirsty ravage.
The mission of Mr. Wal-h was a miSMon of peace and true
jjlulanthiopy.'1' j
Even in the imperfect history of the Island of i
Hayti here given, it is clear that the Dominicans
were entitled to their independence m the judg- i
merit both of the Union and the Administration: :
that being so entitled,and in fact being independ- !
ent, they invited the United States to protect them •
against a savage whose power was originally
founded on murder, and continued and sustained
by lawless outrage. The Union indorses this par-
agraph from the instructions of Mr. Webster to
Mr. Walsh, the agent who conducted the nego-
tiation:
" You will then, conjointly with your colleagues, requiie
the Emperor to conclude a permanent peaee with the Do-
minican government upon the basis which you may jointly
prescribe to him, or to consent to a truce with that govern-
mentW not less than ten years.
"The ifimperor should be made properly aware of the
dangers which he and his country may encounter, if he
should be unfortunately advised to reject reasonable terms
of pacification; but you will stop at remonstrance until
further notice."
Now, if this means anything, it means that the
United States assert a right to intervene forcibly,
if necessary, in the affairs of the island, and that
that intervention has been made in away that calls
for "the warmest commendations" from the
Union. Those warmest commendations are be-
stowed upon the total failure " to appease his
(Soulouque's) ferocious wrath," or "drive him
from his bloody purpose." If the Union desired
to defend or explain this contemptible failure, it
would have been generous to the Administration;
but to bestow the warmest commendations upon
it for permitting a bloody savage—not acknowl-
edged by the very Administration itself as one of
the recognized Powers of the earth—to mock and
defy it, while he does the very thing about which
the issue has been mad*, is self-evident nonsense.
This is the plain statement: The United States
says to Soulouque, You shall not make war on
the republic of Dominica; Soulouque says, I will
make war on the republic of Dominica; and the
United States don't say anything1 more—but the
Union says, it is il an energetic and wise admin-
istration of the foreign affairs of the country.
Oh, shade of Dogberry ! rejoice, that at length
thy profound teachings are appreciated by a Whig
Administration and a Democratic editor:
u Doubcrry. You shall eomprehcml all vagrom men; you
are to bid any man—Stand, m the prince's name.
" Watchman. How if lie will not stand?
11 Dogberry. Why then, take no note of him, hill let
him go; and presently call the rest of the watch together,
and thank God you are lid ol a knave.
Bu!, sir, the Union seems wholly unconscious
that the Administration has not been content to
render itself simply ridiculous, and contemptible;
but that to do so eifectually, it has violated u prin-
ciple, the very cleaiest and least liable to dispute
m our entire foreign policy. I allude to the doc-
trinc of Monroe. The Union makes itself respon-
sible for the joint mediation of France and Eng-
land, accepted by the Administration in direct and
apparently intentional, gratuitous, and wanton vio-
lation of the policy which is essential alike to our
safety and our honor. In another connection, I
will state the doctrine, and what 1 conceive to be
its meaning and effect; but for the present pur-
pose, 1 would only direct the attention or the
Union to the National Intelligencer of December
23d, where " non-intcrfcrcnce on the part of Euro-
pean Powers ivilh (he independent Governments of the
New World," is stated as an admitted principle of
all parties—apparently in the same happy oblivion
of the course of the Administration in this and
other transactions, as the Union.
But leaving the Democratic organ to the conso-
lation to be derived from the sympathy of the
Republic, I will examine the course of the Admin-
istration in repaid to Ilayti, by the light of its
own olficidl correspondence, and other reliable
sources of information. The momentousimport-
I ance of this island to the United States in a com
merc.iai point of view, and its still greater im-
j portance ns a naval depot, has been strangely
1 overlooked. I do not speak of the policy of its
' annexation, nor do I contemplate its acquisition
by the United States; nor do I believe that the
course of the next Administration ought to be or
will be shnped with any such purpose; but this I
do s.iy is obvious from a single glance, that its in-
dependence of Europe is of more moment to us
than that of Cuba; and that the protection of the
white republic, which embraces two thirds of its
I surface, against the negro empire which holds and
, ruins while it holds the other third, is at once our
j duty and our interest, and that such interference
| should be without the cooperation of any Euro-
j peaii Power; but that in that island, more than
I elsewhere, the interference of Europe, whether as
i joint mediators, or m any other way, should be
i effectually prevented. The deoendenc* if Cuba
j on Spy in is the cause of the embarrassments and
i difficulties which have sprung up in that direction.
I flayti has for nearly thirty years Ween wholly in-
1 dependent of all European power. The island
I contains about thirty thousand square miles. Of
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United States. Congress. The Congressional Globe, [Volume 27]: Thirty-Second Congress, Second Session, Appendix, book, 1853; Washington D.C.. (https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc30784/m1/85/: accessed April 23, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, UNT Digital Library, https://digital.library.unt.edu; crediting UNT Libraries Government Documents Department.