JAC: A Journal of Composition Theory, Volume 24, Number 2, 2004 Page: 346
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that the junta's reduction and simplification had sought to eliminate. 'Our
children are not dead,' one of the Mothers insisted. 'They are disappeared"'
(147; emphasis added).
3. It is worth noting the full force of Lyotard's ethical point here: "'An
addressor appears whose addressee I am, and of whom I know nothing, except
that he or she situates me upon the addressee instance. The violence of the
revelation is in the ego's expulsion from the addressor instance, from which it
managed its work of enjoyment, power, and cognition. It is the scandal of an I
displaced onto the you instance. The I turned you tries to repossess itselfthrough
the understanding ofwhat dispossesses it. Another phrase is formed, in which the
I returns in the addressor's situation, in order to legitimate or to reject-it doesn't
matter which-the scandal of the other's phrase and of its own dispossession.
This new phrase is always possible, like an inevitable temptation. But it cannot
annul the event, it can only tame and master it, thereby disregarding [forgetting]
the transcendence of the other " (Differend 110-11; emphasis added).
4. Ralph Hanna III takes issue with those rhetorical rules that require the
annotator to avoid interpretation or the imposition of his or her being onto the
text. He claims that these rules consequently give way to the dismemberment of
the annotator from the annotation: "Twentieth-century annotators are completely
removed from the text page (reduced merely to textual evidence) and are required
to fragment their activities into tasks presented as rhetorically discrete, so that
they can never appear to be a whole consciousness in touch with the text. But
. . this rhetorical prescription seems to me merely an expression of guilty
knowledge, a way of allowing annotation to proceed as a form of benign
mediation, a service profession, which it is not" (180-81).
5. See Gadamer.
6. Although "mass support of the citizenry of the dictatorship's campaign of
terror demonstrate that responsibility was shared by many sectors of society"
(Malamud-Goti 167), the intention was to bring to trial only a handful of high-
ranking officers. The desire for a contained and exemplary lesson that would
reestablish the rule of law made it inconceivable to bring to trial any of the
institutions, groups, ideologies, or other wide-ranging social concerns that were
directly or indirectly implicated in the campaign ofdisappearances, for ifthe trial
were to do so it would certainly run the risk ofexposing the conflicting aspirations
and interests within, what Ronald Dworkin exultantly described as "the fresh
sense of community [which] Alfonsin's victory had produced" (CONADEP
xviii). The desire to consolidate the military (which was still largely made up of
officers who were schooled and/or had served during the repression) within the
"fresh sense ofcommunity" depended on carefully bounding the issue of criminal
responsibility. Hence, the legislative package that initiated the criminal proceed-
ings against the military focused on the nine commanders of the first three
military juntas from 1976-1983. In accordance with Alfonsin's prudential call
for "justice," the legal strategy severely confined further trials against the
military as it sanctioned, for those who did not occupy its commanding offices,
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Association of Teachers of Advanced Composition (U.S.). JAC: A Journal of Composition Theory, Volume 24, Number 2, 2004, periodical, 2004; (digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc28644/m1/92/: accessed November 20, 2017), University of North Texas Libraries, Digital Library, digital.library.unt.edu; .