JAC: A Journal of Composition Theory, Volume 24, Number 2, 2004 Page: 342
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there was evidence that the military was involved in a specific "cleans-
ing" policy against different groups (against independent labor unions,
social movements, certain religious groups, and other political "undesir-
ables"), the issue of "genocide" was excluded from the criminal case. In
proposing to be drawing on the assurance of a technically "neutral"
mechanism for coming to terms with the past, to be hence applying the
unifying and original position of law "blindly" and "rationally" through
the protocols of deliberation, the trial could/would not explore the
larger "social or ideological" dimensions that were imbricated with
the "criminal case."
Thus, the very confines within which the criminal law produces its
knowledge and judgments, the very means of uncovering "evidence"
through discontinuous accounts (with disregard for historical-ideologi-
cal motivations), and thus its very basis for showcasing an "educative
dialogue" for the purpose of mutual understanding, secured for the
"nation" an artifice for assuaging those "dangerous" and "unpredictable"
moments that threatened the national recovery and conciliatory process.
Hence, we see the "prosecution failing to pursue the periodic suggestions
of anti-Semitism among the torturers, offered spontaneously at the trial
by several prosecution witnesses" (Osiel, "Making" 163 n.64). Osiel
notes, "The fear that the trial might come to be labeled and discredited as
'the work of the Jews' may have restrained the prosecutor from such
questions" ("Making" 163 n.64). Because anti-Semitism was (and con-
tinues to be) another facet of the "ideology" prevailing within the officer
corps, any implication about its motivating the "crimes" of the "anti-
terrorist campaign" had to be disregarded in favor of the prudential
consideration for consolidation. Moreover, since the exemplary trial was
implicitly producing a narrative that was attempting to stabilize "the
crisis of identity" through a collective myth of origins, the issue of anti-
Semitism, which called up a long history of national fragmentation,
threatened to remind the "nation" of its excluded others.'1 It is important
to note, then, that the way that the trial's deliberation framed the 1976-
1983 period as an aberrant and isolated episode of state violence
dehistoricizes the authoritarian ethos that has been entrenched in Argen-
tine society since its inception. Jamie Malamud-Goti notes, "Both official
and popular versions of recent Argentine history suggest that state-
sponsored human rights violations were the results of the military
regime's strategy following the 1976 takeover. However, situating the
massive abuses between March '76 and December '83, when the military
was formally in power, is a misguiding version of history" (166). Thus,
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Association of Teachers of Advanced Composition (U.S.). JAC: A Journal of Composition Theory, Volume 24, Number 2, 2004, periodical, 2004; (digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc28644/m1/88/: accessed September 24, 2017), University of North Texas Libraries, Digital Library, digital.library.unt.edu; .