Latest content added for UNT Digital Library Partner: UNT Librarieshttps://digital.library.unt.edu/explore/partners/UNT/browse/?sort=default&fq=untl_decade:2000-2009&fq=str_degree_department:Department+of+History2010-09-10T01:20:16-05:00UNT LibrariesThis is a custom feed for browsing UNT Digital Library Partner: UNT LibrariesSpanish Relations with the Apache Nations East of the Río Grande2007-09-25T21:25:51-05:00https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2816/<p><a href="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2816/"><img alt="Spanish Relations with the Apache Nations East of the Río Grande" title="Spanish Relations with the Apache Nations East of the Río Grande" src="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2816/small/"/></a></p><p>This dissertation is a study of the Eastern Apache nations and their struggle to survive with their culture intact against numerous enemies intent on destroying them. It is a synthesis of published secondary and primary materials, supported with archival materials, primarily from the Béxar Archives. The Apaches living on the plains have suffered from a lack of a good comprehensive study, even though they played an important role in hindering Spanish expansion in the American Southwest. When the Spanish first encountered the Apaches they were living peacefully on the plains, although they occasionally raided nearby tribes. When the Spanish began settling in the Southwest they changed the dynamics of the region by introducing horses. The Apaches quickly adopted the animals into their culture and used them to dominate their neighbors. Apache power declined in the eighteenth century when their Caddoan enemies acquired guns from the French, and the powerful Comanches gained access to horses and began invading northern Apache territory. Surrounded by enemies, the Apaches increasingly turned to the Spanish for aid and protection rather than trade. The Spanish-Apache peace was fraught with problems. The Spaniards tended to lump all Apaches into one group even though, in reality, each band operated independently. Thus, when one Apache band raided a Spanish outpost, the Spanish considered the peace broken. On the other hand, since Apaches considered each Spanish settlement a distinct "band" they saw nothing wrong in making peace at one Spanish location while continuing to raid another. Eventually the Spanish encouraged other Indians tribes to launch a campaign of unrelenting war against the Apaches. Despite devastating attacks from their enemies, the Apaches were able to survive. When the Mexican Revolution removed the Spanish from the area, the Apaches remained and still occupied portions of the plains as late as the 1870s. Despite the pressures brought to bear upon them the Apaches prevailed, retaining their freedoms longer than almost any other tribe.</p>By Air Power Alone: America's Strategic Air War in China, 1941-19452007-09-25T21:26:26-05:00https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2800/<p><a href="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2800/"><img alt="By Air Power Alone: America's Strategic Air War in China, 1941-1945" title="By Air Power Alone: America's Strategic Air War in China, 1941-1945" src="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2800/small/"/></a></p><p>During World War II, the Army Air Force waged three strategic air offensives in and from China against Japan. At first, the Flying Tigers and 10th Air Force constituted the whole of American aid to China, but the effort soon expanded. Supported by Chiang Kai-shek, Claire Chennault and his 14th Air Force waged an anti-shipping campaign, to which the Japanese Imperial Army responded with Operation Ichigo and against which Joseph Stilwell accurately warned. 20th Bomber Command used B-29s to wage Operation Matterhorn, failed, and later conducted PACAID missions. 14th Air Force then waged a counterproductive transportation campaign as The Pacific War, also known as the Greater East Asian War, ended. Events in the China-Burma-India and China Theaters provide lessons in logistics, targeting, training, and air-ground cooperation that are applicable in the post-Cold War era.</p>The Break-up of the Confederate Trans-Mississippi Army, 18652007-09-25T21:32:29-05:00https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2764/<p><a href="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2764/"><img alt="The Break-up of the Confederate Trans-Mississippi Army, 1865" title="The Break-up of the Confederate Trans-Mississippi Army, 1865" src="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2764/small/"/></a></p><p>Unlike other Confederate armies at the conclusion of the Civil War, General Edmund Kirby Smith's Trans-Mississippi Army disbanded, often without orders, rather than surrender formally. Despite entreaties from military and civilian leaders to fight on, for Confederate soldiers west of the Mississippi River, the surrender of armies led by Generals Robert E. Lee and Joseph E. Johnston ended the war. After a significant decline in morale and discipline throughout the spring of 1865, soldiers of the Confederate Trans-Mississippi Department chose to break-up and return home. As compensation for months of unpaid service, soldiers seized both public and private property. Civilians joined the soldiers to create disorder that swept many Texas communities until the arrival of Federal troops in late June.</p>The Rio Grande Expedition, 1863-18652007-09-25T21:33:47-05:00https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2744/<p><a href="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2744/"><img alt="The Rio Grande Expedition, 1863-1865" title="The Rio Grande Expedition, 1863-1865" src="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2744/small/"/></a></p><p>In October 1863 the United States Army's Rio Grande Expedition left New Orleans, bound for the Texas coast. Reacting to the recent French occupation of Mexico, President Abraham Lincoln believed that the presence of U.S. troops in Texas would dissuade the French from intervening in the American Civil War. The first major objective of this campaign was Brownsville, Texas, a port city on the lower Rio Grande. Its capture would not only serve as a warning to the French in Mexico; it would also disrupt a lucrative Confederate cotton trade across the border. The expedition had a mixed record of achievement. It succeeded in disrupting the cotton trade, but not stopping it. Federal forces installed a military governor, Andrew J. Hamilton, in Brownsville, but his authority extended only to the occupied part of Texas, a strip of land along the coast of the Gulf of Mexico. The campaign also created considerable fear among Confederate soldiers and civilians that the ravages of civil war had now come to the Lone Star State. Although short-lived, the panic generated by the Rio Grande Expedition left an indelible mark on the memories of Texans who lived through the campaign. The expedition achieved its greatest success by establishing a permanent Federal presence in Texas as a warning against possible French meddling north of the Rio Grande.</p>Southland, The Completion Of a Dream: The Story Behind Southern Newsprint's Improbable Beginnings2007-09-25T21:33:10-05:00https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2750/<p><a href="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2750/"><img alt="Southland, The Completion Of a Dream: The Story Behind Southern Newsprint's Improbable Beginnings" title="Southland, The Completion Of a Dream: The Story Behind Southern Newsprint's Improbable Beginnings" src="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2750/small/"/></a></p><p>The purpose of this thesis is to explore the creative process behind Southland Paper Mills, the South's first newsprint factory. The thesis describes the conditions leading to the need for southern newsprint. It then chronicles, through the use of company records, the difficult challenges southern newsprint pioneers faced. The thesis follows the company history from the gem of an idea during the mid 1930's through the first decade of the Southland's existence. The paper concludes with the formative years of the company in the 1940's.</p>David Lefkowitz of Dallas: A Rabbi for all Seasons2007-09-25T21:00:22-05:00https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2643/<p><a href="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2643/"><img alt="David Lefkowitz of Dallas: A Rabbi for all Seasons" title="David Lefkowitz of Dallas: A Rabbi for all Seasons" src="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2643/small/"/></a></p><p>This dissertation discusses the impact David Lefkowitz and his ministry had on Dallas during the years of his ministry (1920-1949) at Temple Emanu-El in Dallas Texas, and the years following his death in 1955. The focus is on his involvement in civic activities, although his pastoral activities are also discussed. Sources include interviews with family members, friends and acquaintances, newspaper articles, journals, internet sources, unpublished theses and dissertations about Dallas and related subjects, minutes of the Temple's Board of Directors' meetings, minutes of the Central Conference of American Rabbis, minutes of the Board of Directors' Meetings of the Dallas Jewish Welfare Federation, the Temple Emanu-El Bulletins, and selected sermons, speeches and letters of David Lefkowitz. David Lefkowitz was an important figure in the history of Dallas. He taught, by precept and example, that Jews could participate fully in the civic life of Dallas. Because of his teachings, Jews made a positive difference in the development of Dallas. He has left a lasting impression on Dallas, and through his ministry and hard work, he made Dallas a better place for all its citizens.</p>Slaves and Slaveholders in the Choctaw Nation: 1830-18662010-09-10T01:20:16-05:00https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc28371/<p><a href="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc28371/"><img alt="Slaves and Slaveholders in the Choctaw Nation: 1830-1866" title="Slaves and Slaveholders in the Choctaw Nation: 1830-1866" src="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc28371/small/"/></a></p><p>Racial slavery was a critical element in the cultural development of the Choctaws and was a derivative of the peculiar institution in southern states. The idea of genial and hospitable slave owners can no more be conclusively demonstrated for the Choctaws than for the antebellum South. The participation of Choctaws in the Civil War and formal alliance with the Confederacy was dominantly influenced by the slaveholding and a connection with southern identity, but was also influenced by financial concerns and an inability to remain neutral than a protection of the peculiar institution. Had the Civil War not taken place, the rate of Choctaw slave ownership possibly would have reached the level of southern states and the Choctaws would be considered part of the South.</p>Singing for Blaine and for Logan! Republican Songs as Campaign Literature in the 1884 Presidential Race2007-09-25T21:22:09-05:00https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2710/<p><a href="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2710/"><img alt="Singing for Blaine and for Logan! Republican Songs as Campaign Literature in the 1884 Presidential Race" title="Singing for Blaine and for Logan! Republican Songs as Campaign Literature in the 1884 Presidential Race" src="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2710/small/"/></a></p><p>During the presidential contest of 1884, Republicans used singing as a campaign tactic at rallies, meetings, and parades. Their songs may be divided into several categories, such as rally songs, songs of praise for the party and its candidate, "bloody shirt" songs, mudslinging songs, and issue-based songs. Songs provide a perspective on the overall tenor of the campaign, while a lack of songs on certain topics, such as temperance, reflects the party's reluctance to alienate voters by taking a strong stand on controversial issues. Although the campaign has often been called one of the dirtiest in American history, this negativity is not reflected in the majority of the songs.</p>Sarah T. Hughes: Her Influence in Texas Politics2007-09-25T21:15:53-05:00https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2674/<p><a href="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2674/"><img alt="Sarah T. Hughes: Her Influence in Texas Politics" title="Sarah T. Hughes: Her Influence in Texas Politics" src="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2674/small/"/></a></p><p>Conservative males traditionally dominated Texas politics. In 1930, however, Sarah T. Hughes, a liberal woman from Maryland, began a spectacular career in state politics despite obstacles because of her gender and progressive ideas. First elected to the Texas Legislature in 1930, she remained active in politics for the next fifty years. Hard work, intelligence, and ability allowed her to form solid friendships with Texas's most powerful politicians. She became the first woman in Texas to hold a district judgeship, the first woman from Texas appointed to the federal bench, and the only woman to swear in a U.S. president. Hughes profoundly influenced state politics, challenging the long-standing conservative male domination. She helped to create a more diverse political field that today encompasses different ideologies and both genders.</p>Texas Annexation and the Presidential Election of 1844 in the Richmond, Virginia, and New Orleans, Louisiana, Newspaper2007-09-25T22:41:28-05:00https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2998/<p><a href="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2998/"><img alt="Texas Annexation and the Presidential Election of 1844 in the Richmond, Virginia, and New Orleans, Louisiana, Newspaper" title="Texas Annexation and the Presidential Election of 1844 in the Richmond, Virginia, and New Orleans, Louisiana, Newspaper" src="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2998/small/"/></a></p><p>This thesis examines the issue of Texas annexation from the viewpoints of two southern cities: Richmond, Virginia, and New Orleans, Louisiana. It looks primarily at four major newspapers, two in each city: the Richmond Enquirer and the Richmond Whig; and the New Orleans Times-Picayune and the New Orleans Whig. These four newspapers were examined thoroughly from January 1844 to July 1845. In addition to the above newspapers, the Congressional Globe and national voting patterns on Texas annexation were examined. Analysis of the editorial articles in the above newspapers offers the best possibility of understanding public sentiment toward Texas annexation and the presidential election of 1844. The evidence examined in this study indicates that Texas annexation became a decisive issue in the presidential election of 1844. It also shows that, although the press and elements within both Democratic and Whig parties were aware that the slavery question was intricately linked to the Texas annexation issue, slavery and sectional politics were not the primary factors influencing annexation. Ultimately, fundamental concerns regarding western expansion in general, especially for the Whigs, and political party loyalty proved the decisive factors in the presidential election of 1844 and Texas annexation. The evidence gathered in this study indicates that Texas annexation deliberately became an issue in the presidential election by the Democratic party. It also shows that although consideration was given to the slavery question by elements of both the Whig and Democratic parties, sectional politics did not enter into play concerning the annexation of Texas.</p>Dr. Richard Price, the Marquis de Condorcet, and the Political Culture of Friendship in the Late Enlightenment2007-09-25T22:37:04-05:00https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2888/<p><a href="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2888/"><img alt="Dr. Richard Price, the Marquis de Condorcet, and the Political Culture of Friendship in the Late Enlightenment" title="Dr. Richard Price, the Marquis de Condorcet, and the Political Culture of Friendship in the Late Enlightenment" src="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2888/small/"/></a></p><p>The eighteenth century saw many innovations in political culture including the rise of the public sphere where political ideas were freely and openly discussed and criticized. The new public sphere arose within the institutions of private life such as the Republic of Letters and salons, so the modes of behavior in private life were important influences on the new political culture of the public sphere. By studying the lives and careers of Richard Price and the Marquis de Condorcet, I examine the role that the private institution of friendship played in the new political culture of the late Enlightenment. During the 1780s, friendship became an important political symbol that represented the enlightened ideals of equality, reciprocity, liberty, and humanitarianism.</p>Lucca in the Signoria of Paolo Guinigi, 1400-14302007-09-26T01:55:33-05:00https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3134/<p><a href="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3134/"><img alt="Lucca in the Signoria of Paolo Guinigi, 1400-1430" title="Lucca in the Signoria of Paolo Guinigi, 1400-1430" src="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3134/small/"/></a></p><p>This study analyzes the once great medieval Tuscan capital of Lucca's struggle for survival at the beginning of the fifteenth century. This was the age of the rise of regional states in Italy, and the expansionistic aims of Milan, Florence and others were a constant challenge to city-states such as Lucca which desired a political and cultural status quo. Yet, it was a challenge that was successfully met; unlike Pisa, Siena, Perugia, and various other major Tuscan cities, Lucca did not succumb to Milanese or Florentine aggression in the early Quattrocento. Why it did not is a major topic of discussion here.
One of the means in which the Lucchese faced the new political and military realities of the time was the establishment of a monarchial system of government in the signoria of Paolo Guinigi (r. 1400-1430). The Guinigi Signoria was not characterized by the use of intimidation and violence, but rather by clientage, kinship and neighborhood bonds, marriage alliances, and the general consent of the people. Paolo garnered the consent of the people at first because his wealth allowed him to protect Lucca and its contado to a greater extent than would have been possible otherwise, and because of his family's long ties with the powerful Visconti of Milan; he held it later because he provided the city-state with capable leadership.
This study extends the evidence of recent scholars that every Italian Renaissance city was unique based on its particular geography, alliances, civic wealth, and a number of other factors. Lucca in the period of Paolo Guinigi, a monarchy in the setting of one of the traditionally most republican cities of Italy, provides a most interesting example. “Civic humanism,” for example, has a decidedly different slant in Lucca than elsewhere, and is best exemplified in the figure of Giovanni Sercambi. This study also provides new perspectives from which to view Florence and Milan during the period of “crisis” at the beginning of the fifteenth century, and thus contributes to the mass of scholarship concerning the Baron thesis.</p>May 1856: Southern Reaction to Conflict in Kansas and Congress2007-09-28T21:55:48-05:00https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3673/<p><a href="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3673/"><img alt="May 1856: Southern Reaction to Conflict in Kansas and Congress" title="May 1856: Southern Reaction to Conflict in Kansas and Congress" src="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3673/small/"/></a></p><p>This thesis examines southern reactions to events that occurred in May 1856: the outbreak of civil war in Kansas and the caning of Senator Charles Sumner of Massachusetts. I researched two newspapers from the upper South state of Virginia, the Richmond Enquirer and the Richmond Daily Whig, and two newspapers from the lower South state of Louisiana, the New Orleans Times-Picayune and the New Orleans Bee to determine the extent to which political party sentiment and/or geographic location affected southern opinion towards the two events. Political party ties influenced the material each newspaper printed. Each newspaper worried that these events endangered the Union. Some, however, believed the Union could be saved while others argued that it was only a matter of time before the South seceded.</p>Gladstone and the Bank of England: A Study in Mid-Victorian Finance, 1833-18662007-09-28T21:52:24-05:00https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3696/<p><a href="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3696/"><img alt="Gladstone and the Bank of England: A Study in Mid-Victorian Finance, 1833-1866" title="Gladstone and the Bank of England: A Study in Mid-Victorian Finance, 1833-1866" src="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3696/small/"/></a></p><p>The topic of this thesis is the confrontations between William Gladstone and the Bank of England. These confrontations have remained a mystery to authors who noted them, but have generally been ignored by others. This thesis demonstrates that Gladstone's measures taken against the Bank were reasonable, intelligent, and important for the development of nineteenth-century British government finance. To accomplish this task, this thesis refutes the opinions of three twentieth-century authors who have claimed that many of Gladstone's measures, as well as his reading, were irrational, ridiculous, and impolitic. My primary sources include the Gladstone Diaries, with special attention to a little-used source, Volume 14, the indexes to the Diaries. The day-to-day Diaries and the indexes show how much Gladstone read about financial matters, and suggest that his actions were based to a large extent upon his reading. In addition, I have used Hansard's Parliamentary Debates and nineteenth-century periodicals and books on banking and finance to understand the political and economic debates of the time.</p>Skylab: The Human Side of a Scientific Mission2007-09-28T21:57:56-05:00https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3659/<p><a href="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3659/"><img alt="Skylab: The Human Side of a Scientific Mission" title="Skylab: The Human Side of a Scientific Mission" src="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3659/small/"/></a></p><p>This work attempts to focus on the human side of Skylab, America's first space station, from 1973 to 1974. The thesis begins by showing some context for Skylab, especially in light of the Cold War and the “space race” between the United States and the Soviet Union. The development of the station, as well as the astronaut selection process, are traced from the beginnings of NASA. The focus then shifts to changes in NASA from the Apollo missions to Skylab, as well as training, before highlighting the three missions to the station. The work then attempts to show the significance of Skylab by focusing on the myriad of lessons that can be learned from it and applied to future programs.</p>Dem Schwerte Muss Der Pflug Folgen: Űber-Peasants and National Socialist Settlements in the Occupied Eastern Territories during World War Two2007-09-28T21:54:23-05:00https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3681/<p><a href="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3681/"><img alt="Dem Schwerte Muss Der Pflug Folgen: Űber-Peasants and National Socialist Settlements in the Occupied Eastern Territories during World War Two" title="Dem Schwerte Muss Der Pflug Folgen: Űber-Peasants and National Socialist Settlements in the Occupied Eastern Territories during World War Two" src="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3681/small/"/></a></p><p>German industrialization in the nineteenth century had brought forward a variety of conflicting ideas when it came to the agrarian community. One of them was the agrarian romantic movement led by Adam Műller, who feared the loss of the traditional German peasant. Műller influenced Reichdeutsche Richard Walther Darré, who argued that large cities were the downfall of the German people and that only a healthy peasant stock would be able to ‘save' Germany. Under Darré's definition, “Geopolitik” was the defense of the land, the defense with Pflug und Schwert (plow and sword) by Wehrbauern, an ‘Űberbauer-fusion' of soldier and peasant. In order to accomplish these goals, new settlements had to be established while moving from west to east. The specific focus of this study is on the original Hegewald resettlement ideas of Richard Walther Darré and how his philosophy was taken over by Himmler and fit into his personal needs and creed after 1941. It will shed some light on the interaction of Darré and Himmler and the notorious internal fights and power struggles between the various governmental agencies involved. The Ministry for Food and Agriculture under the leadership of Darré was systematically pushed into the background and all previous, often publicly announced re-settlement policies were altered; Darré was pushed aside once the eastern living space was actually occupied.</p>Greek texts and English translations of the Bible: a comparison and contrast of the Textus Receptus Greek New Testament of the sixteenth century and the Alexandrian text of Westcott and Hort (nineteenth century) and Aland and Metzger (twentieth century) concerning variant texts that pertain to the orthodox Christology of the Council of Nicea, A.D. 325.2007-09-26T02:58:36-05:00https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3315/<p><a href="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3315/"><img alt="Greek texts and English translations of the Bible: a comparison and contrast of the Textus Receptus Greek New Testament of the sixteenth century and the Alexandrian text of Westcott and Hort (nineteenth century) and Aland and Metzger (twentieth century) concerning variant texts that pertain to the orthodox Christology of the Council of Nicea, A.D. 325." title="Greek texts and English translations of the Bible: a comparison and contrast of the Textus Receptus Greek New Testament of the sixteenth century and the Alexandrian text of Westcott and Hort (nineteenth century) and Aland and Metzger (twentieth century) concerning variant texts that pertain to the orthodox Christology of the Council of Nicea, A.D. 325." src="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3315/small/"/></a></p><p>The argument of this paper is that certain salient passages in the New Testament concerning Christology, as it was defined in the Nicene creed in A.D. 325, reflect such orthodoxy better in the Textus Receptus Greek texts and the English translations made from them than do the Alexandrian texts. Arian theology, which was condemned as heretical at Nicea, is examined. Patristic quotations, historical texts, and arguments of the scholars are cited and traced, along with a comparison of Christological verses.</p>Gritos de la Frontera: Giving Voice to Tejano Contributions in the Formation of the Republic of Texas, 1700-18502007-09-26T02:56:32-05:00https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3345/<p><a href="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3345/"><img alt="Gritos de la Frontera: Giving Voice to Tejano Contributions in the Formation of the Republic of Texas, 1700-1850" title="Gritos de la Frontera: Giving Voice to Tejano Contributions in the Formation of the Republic of Texas, 1700-1850" src="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3345/small/"/></a></p><p>The intent of this thesis is to convey the distinctiveness and the contributions of Tejano culture in Texas. It focuses on the traditions of governance employed by Tejanos as well as their contributions to industry, economy and defense that Texas benefited from and still enjoys today.
.given by Spain and México to Tejanos in establishing their settlements affected the development of a distinct Tejano culture. Furthermore, this study will also examine Anglo-Tejano interaction and Anglo American intentions toward Texas. It will also outline how Anglo Americans made determine efforts to wrest Texas away from Spain and México. Finally, the thesis examines Tejano cultural perseverance whose indelible imprint still resonates today.</p>The Evolution of Gentility in Eighteenth-Century England and Colonial Virginia2007-09-25T21:03:39-05:00https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2617/<p><a href="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2617/"><img alt="The Evolution of Gentility in Eighteenth-Century England and Colonial Virginia" title="The Evolution of Gentility in Eighteenth-Century England and Colonial Virginia" src="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2617/small/"/></a></p><p>This study analyzes the impact of eighteenth-century commercialization on the evolution of the English and southern American landed classes with regard to three genteel leadership qualities--education, vocation, and personal characteristics. A simultaneous comparison provides a clearer view of how each adapted, or failed to adapt, to the social and economic change of the period. The analysis demonstrates that the English gentry did not lose a class struggle with the commercial ranks as much as they were overwhelmed by economic changes they could not understand. The southern landed class established an economy based on production of cash crops and thus adapted better to a commercial economy. The work addresses the development of class-consciousness in England and the origins of Virginia's landed class.</p>Robert Boyle and the Significance of Skill and Experience in Seventeenth-Century Natural Philosophy2007-09-25T20:59:44-05:00https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2652/<p><a href="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2652/"><img alt="Robert Boyle and the Significance of Skill and Experience in Seventeenth-Century Natural Philosophy" title="Robert Boyle and the Significance of Skill and Experience in Seventeenth-Century Natural Philosophy" src="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2652/small/"/></a></p><p>The purpose of this study is to examine how English natural philosophers of the seventeenth centuryin particular, Robert Boyle (1627-1691) considered and assessed the personal traits of skill and experience and the significance of these characteristics to the practice of seventeenth-century science. Boyle's writings reveal that skill and experience impacted various aspects of his seventeenth-century experimental natural philosophy, including the credibility assessment of tradesmen and eyewitnesses to natural phenomena, the contingencies involved in the making of experiments, and Boyle's statements about the requisite skills of experimental philosophy in contrast to other traditions. Subtopics explored include the popularization of science and Boyle's expectations concerning the future improvement of natural philosophy.</p>His, Hers, and Theirs: Domestic Relations and Marital Property Law in Texas to 18502007-09-24T22:21:53-05:00https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2495/<p><a href="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2495/"><img alt="His, Hers, and Theirs: Domestic Relations and Marital Property Law in Texas to 1850" title="His, Hers, and Theirs: Domestic Relations and Marital Property Law in Texas to 1850" src="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2495/small/"/></a></p><p>Texas law regarding the legal status of women and their property rights developed from the mingling of Spanish and English laws. Spanish laws regarding the protection of women's rights developed during the centuries-long Reconquest, when the Spanish Christians slowly took back the Iberian Peninsula from the Moorish conquerors. Women were of special importance to the expansion of Spanish civilization. Later, when Spain conquered and colonized the New World, these rights for women came, too.
In the New World, women's rights under Spanish law remained the same as in Spain. Again, the Spanish were spreading their civilization across frontiers and women needed protection. When the Spanish moved into Texas, they brought their laws with them yet again. Archival evidence demonstrates that Spanish laws in early Texas remained essentially unchanged with regard to the status of women.
Events in the history of England caused its legal system to develop in a different manner from Spain's. In England, the protection of property was the law's most important goal. With the growth of English common law, husbands gained the right to control their wives's lives in that married women lost all legal identity.
When the English legal system crossed the Atlantic and took root in the United States, little changed, especially in the southern states, when migrants from there entered Texas. When these Anglo-American colonists came into contact with Spanish/Mexican laws, they tended to prefer the legal system they knew best. Accordingly, with the creation of the Republic of Texas, and later the state of Texas, most laws derived from English common law. From Spanish laws, legislators adopted only those that dealt with the protection of women, developed on the Spanish frontier, because they were so much more suitable to life in Texas. Later lawmakers and judges used these same laws to protect the family's property from creditors, as well as to advance the legal status of women in Texas.</p>A.P. Giannini, Marriner Stoddard Eccles, and the Changing Landscape of American Banking2007-09-24T22:22:11-05:00https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2489/<p><a href="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2489/"><img alt="A.P. Giannini, Marriner Stoddard Eccles, and the Changing Landscape of American Banking" title="A.P. Giannini, Marriner Stoddard Eccles, and the Changing Landscape of American Banking" src="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2489/small/"/></a></p><p>The Great Depression elucidated the shortcomings of the banking system and its control by Wall Street. The creation of the Federal Reserve System in 1913 was insufficient to correct flaws in the banking system until the Banking Acts of 1933 and 1935.
A.P. Giannini, the American-Italian founder of the Bank of America and Mormon Marriner S. Eccles, chairman of Federal Reserve Board (1935-1949), from California and Utah respectively, successfully worked to restrain the power of the eastern banking establishment. The Banking Act of 1935 was the capstone of their cooperation, a bill that placed open market operations in the hands of the Federal Reserve, thus diminishing the power of the New York Reserve. The creation of the Federal Housing Act, as orchestrated by Eccles, became a source of enormous revenue for Giannini. Giannini's wide use of branch banking and mass advertising was his contribution to American banking. Eccles's promotion of compensatory spending and eventual placement of monetary control in the hands of the Federal Reserve Board with Banking Act of 1935 and the Accord of 1951 and Giannini's branch banking diminished the likelihood of another sustained depression.
As the Bank of America grew, and as Eccles became more aggressive in his fight for control of monetary policy, Secretary of State Henry Morgenthau, Jr., became a common enemy to both bankers. Morgenthau caused the Securities and Exchange Commission to launch an investigation of the Bank of America. Later, when Eccles and Giannini were no longer friends, the Board of Governors filed suit under the Clayton Act against Transamerica, a Giannini bank holding company.
By 1945, Giannini's bank was the largest in the world. When John W. Snyder replaced Morgenthau, the "freeze" against Giannini's expansion stopped. Eccles was demoted by Truman but served on the Board of Governors until the Accord of 1951 making the Reserve no longer responsible for supporting the pegged interest rates of government bonds.</p>The Reformation-Era Church Courts of England: A Study of the Acta of the Archidiaconal and Consistory Court at Chester, 1540-15422007-09-24T23:54:04-05:00https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2461/<p><a href="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2461/"><img alt="The Reformation-Era Church Courts of England: A Study of the Acta of the Archidiaconal and Consistory Court at Chester, 1540-1542" title="The Reformation-Era Church Courts of England: A Study of the Acta of the Archidiaconal and Consistory Court at Chester, 1540-1542" src="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2461/small/"/></a></p><p>Much work has been done over the last fifty years in the study of the English ecclesiastical courts. One court that thus far has escaped much significant scholarly attention, however, is the one located in Chester, England. The author analyzes the acta of that court in order to determine what types of cases were being heard during the years 1540-42. His analysis shows that the Chester court did not deviate significantly from the general legal and theological structure and function of Tudor church courts of the period.</p>Interests Eternal and Perpetual: British Foreign Policy and the Royal Navy in the Spanish Civil War, 1936 - 19372007-09-25T21:04:03-05:00https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2608/<p><a href="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2608/"><img alt="Interests Eternal and Perpetual: British Foreign Policy and the Royal Navy in the Spanish Civil War, 1936 - 1937" title="Interests Eternal and Perpetual: British Foreign Policy and the Royal Navy in the Spanish Civil War, 1936 - 1937" src="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2608/small/"/></a></p><p>This thesis will demonstrate that the British leaders saw the policy of non-intervention during the Spanish Civil War as the best option available under the circumstances, and will also focus on the role of the Royal Navy in carrying out that policy. Unpublished sources include Cabinet and Admiralty papers. Printed sources include the Documents on British Foreign Policy, newspaper and periodical articles, and memoirs. This thesis, covering the years 1936-37, is broken down into six chapters, each covering a time frame that reflected a change of policy or naval mission. The non-intervention policy was seen as the best available at the time, but it was shortsighted and ignored potentially serious long-term consequences.</p>The Significance and Impact of Women on the Rise of the Republican Party in Twentieth Century Texas2007-09-25T21:04:48-05:00https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2597/<p><a href="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2597/"><img alt="The Significance and Impact of Women on the Rise of the Republican Party in Twentieth Century Texas" title="The Significance and Impact of Women on the Rise of the Republican Party in Twentieth Century Texas" src="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2597/small/"/></a></p><p>During the early twentieth century, the Democratic party dominated the conservative political landscape of Texas. Through the 1920s, members of the Republican party focused on patronage and seemed content to maintain the position of minority party. A growing dissatisfaction with the liberal policies of the New Deal during the 1930s created opportunities for state Republicans to woo dissenting Democrats to their side. With a change of leadership within the state GOP after 1950, the Republicans waged serious campaigns for offices for the first time. Republican men exercised their political yearnings through leadership positions. Women, on the other hand, were shut out of the leadership ranks, and, as a consequence, they chose a traditional female strategy. They organized clubs in order to support the new leadership and rising candidates. Against formidable odds, Republican women acted as foot soldiers and worked diligently to attain their objectives. As early as 1920, Texas Republican women began to organize. In 1938 they joined the newly chartered National Federation of Republican Women. In 1955 Texas women organized the Texas Federation of Republican Women (TFRW). Working through the TFRW, the women became the catalysts that broke the Republican party from its state of inertia, and they significantly contributed to the breakdown of the one-party system in Texas. Willing to do the "shoe leather politicking" necessary for victory, women became invaluable to GOP candidates, who began their campaigns in the clubhouses of Republican women. In 1978, with the election of the first Republican governor in a century, Republicans finally brought competitive politics to Texas. By the 1990s, the GOP became the majority party in the state. Republican women were not only important to the growth of the party, they were the driving force that broke the state from the shackles of one-party rule by winning elections through grassroots efforts. This study fully recognizes the rich contribution women made to Texas politics throughout the twentieth century.</p>Victims of Hope: Explaining Jewish Behavior in the Treblinka, Sobibór and Birkenau Extermination Camps2007-09-25T21:09:31-05:00https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2558/<p><a href="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2558/"><img alt="Victims of Hope: Explaining Jewish Behavior in the Treblinka, Sobibór and Birkenau Extermination Camps" title="Victims of Hope: Explaining Jewish Behavior in the Treblinka, Sobibór and Birkenau Extermination Camps" src="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2558/small/"/></a></p><p>I analyze the behavior of Jews imprisoned in the Treblinka, Sobibór, and Birkenau extermination camps in order to illustrate a systematic process of deception and psychological conditioning, which the Nazis employed during World War II to preclude Jewish resistance to the Final Solution. In Chapter I, I present resistance historiography as it has developed since the end of the war. In Chapter II, I delineate my own argument on Jewish behavior during the Final Solution, limiting my definition of resistance and the applicability of my thesis to behavior in the extermination camp, or closed, environment. In Chapters III, IV, and V, I present a detailed narrative of the Treblinka, Sobibór, and Birkenau revolts using secondary sources and selected survivor testimony. Finally, in Chapter VI, I isolate select parts of the previous narratives and apply my argument to demonstrate its validity as an explanation for Jewish behavior.</p>Male Army Nurses: The Impact of the Vietnam War on Their Professional and Personal Lives2007-09-25T21:08:18-05:00https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2574/<p><a href="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2574/"><img alt="Male Army Nurses: The Impact of the Vietnam War on Their Professional and Personal Lives" title="Male Army Nurses: The Impact of the Vietnam War on Their Professional and Personal Lives" src="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2574/small/"/></a></p><p>As American involvement in Vietnam escalated in the 1960s, the military's need for medical personnel rose as well. A shortage of qualified nurses in the United States coupled with the requirements of providing adequate troops abroad meant increased opportunity for male nurses. To meet the needs of Army personnel, the Army Nurse Corps actively recruited men, a segment of the nursing population that had previously faced daunting restrictions in the Army Nurse Corps (ANC). Amidst mounting tension, the Army Student Nurse Program began accepting men and provided educational funding and support. Additionally, Congress extended commissions in the Regular Army to previously excluded male nurses. Men answered the call and actively took advantage of the new opportunities afforded them by the demands of war. They entered the educational programs and committed to serve their country through the ANC. Once admitted to the corps, a large percentage of male nurses served in Vietnam. Their tours of duty proved invaluable for training in trauma medicine. Further, these men experienced personal and professional growth that they never would have received in the civilian world. They gained confidence in their skills and worked with wounds and diseases seldom seen at home. For many, the opportunities created by the war led to a career in military medicine and meant the chance to seek additional training after nursing school, often specialized training. Relying heavily on oral histories and the archives of the Army Nurse Corps, this study examined the role these nurses played in entrenching men as a vital part of the ANC.</p>The Apologist Tradition: A Transitional Period in Southern Proslavery Thought, 1831-18452007-09-25T21:15:36-05:00https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2680/<p><a href="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2680/"><img alt="The Apologist Tradition: A Transitional Period in Southern Proslavery Thought, 1831-1845" title="The Apologist Tradition: A Transitional Period in Southern Proslavery Thought, 1831-1845" src="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2680/small/"/></a></p><p>Early antebellum defenders of slavery acknowledged that slavery created problems for southern society. They contended, however, that slave society was better and more natural than other forms of social organization. Thomas R. Dew, William Harper, and James Henry Hammond each expressed a social philosophy in which slavery had a crucial role in preserving social order. They argued from the basis of social organicism, the idea that society should have an elite that controlled the masses. For all three men, slavery represented a system of order that helped balance the dangers of democracy. Significantly, however, all three men recognized that the slave system was not perfect, and despite their defense of slavery, argued that it was a human institution and therefore corruptible.</p>Got Silk?: Buying, Selling, and Advertising British Luxury Imports During the Stamp Act Crisis2008-01-14T23:08:30-06:00https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3993/<p><a href="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3993/"><img alt="Got Silk?: Buying, Selling, and Advertising British Luxury Imports During the Stamp Act Crisis" title="Got Silk?: Buying, Selling, and Advertising British Luxury Imports During the Stamp Act Crisis" src="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3993/small/"/></a></p><p>Despite the amount of scholarship on the Stamp Act Crisis, no study has used advertisements as a main source. This study attempts to show that a valuable, objective source has been overlooked, through the quantitative analysis of 5,810 advertisements before, during and after the Stamp Act Crisis from five port cities: Boston, Charleston, Philadelphia, New York, and Portsmouth. The findings reveal the colonists' strong connection to imported British luxury goods, and a lack of interest in American-made goods, especially before and after the boycott. Advertisements also demonstrate that the decision of many merchants to place the needs and expectations of their community before their own personal gain offered a rare economic opportunity for others. The colonists' devotion to imports tested the strength of the boycott, especially among Boston merchants, who continued to advertise imported goods a good deal more than any other city. This lack of dedication to the boycott on the part of the Boston merchants shows disunity among the colonies, at a time when many argue was the first instance of colonial nationalism. Capitalism challenged and undermined a commitment to communal sentiments such as nationalism. Moreover, if Americans did share a sense of nationhood during the Stamp Act Crisis, it cannot be gauged by a rejection of "Englishness."</p>London, Ankara, and Geneva: Anglo-Turkish Relations, The Establishment of the Turkish Borders, and the League of Nations, 1919-19392008-05-14T20:12:53-05:00https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc5515/<p><a href="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc5515/"><img alt="London, Ankara, and Geneva: Anglo-Turkish Relations, The Establishment of the Turkish Borders, and the League of Nations, 1919-1939" title="London, Ankara, and Geneva: Anglo-Turkish Relations, The Establishment of the Turkish Borders, and the League of Nations, 1919-1939" src="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc5515/small/"/></a></p><p>This dissertation asserts the British primacy in the deliberations of the League of Nations Council between the two world wars of the twentieth century. It maintains that it was British imperial policy rather than any other consideration that ultimately carried the day in these deliberations. Given, as examples of this paramountcy, are the discussions around the finalization of the borders of the new republic of Turkey, which was created following the collapse of the Ottoman Empire at the end of the First World War. These discussions focused on three areas, the Mosul Vilayet or the Turco-Iraqi frontier, the Maritza Delta, or the Turco-Greek frontier, and the Sanjak of Alexandretta or the Turco-Syrian frontier.</p>Richard Thompson Archer and the Burdens of Proprietorship: The Life of a Natchez District Planter2008-05-14T20:08:35-05:00https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc5513/<p><a href="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc5513/"><img alt="Richard Thompson Archer and the Burdens of Proprietorship: The Life of a Natchez District Planter" title="Richard Thompson Archer and the Burdens of Proprietorship: The Life of a Natchez District Planter" src="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc5513/small/"/></a></p><p>In 1824 a young Virginia aristocrat named Richard Thompson Archer migrated to Mississippi. Joining in the boom years of expansion in the Magnolia State in the 1830s, Archer built a vast cotton empire. He and his wife, Ann Barnes, raised a large family at Anchuca, their home plantation in Claiborne County, Mississippi. From there Richard Archer ruled a domain that included more than 500 slaves and 13,000 acres of land. On the eve of the Civil War he was one of the wealthiest men in the South. This work examines the life of Richard Archer from his origins in Amelia County, Virginia, to his death in Mississippi in 1867. It takes as its thesis the theme of Archer's life: his burdens as proprietor of a vast cotton empire and as father figure and provider for a large extended family. This theme weaves together the strands of Archer's life, including his rise to the position of great planter, his duties as husband and father, and his political beliefs and activities. Archer's story is told against the background of the history of Mississippi and of the South, from their antebellum heyday, through the Civil War, and into the early years of Reconstruction. Archer was an aristocrat but also a businessman, a paternalist but also a capitalist. He enjoyed his immense wealth and the power of his position, but he maintained a heavy sense of the responsibilities that accompanied that wealth and power. Archer pursued his business and his family interests with unyielding tenacity. To provide for the well- being and security of his large extended family and of his slaves was his life's mission. Although the Civil War destroyed much of Archer's empire and left him in a much reduced financial state, his family survived the war and Reconstruction with several of their plantations intact and with their social position preserved.</p>The Financial History of the War of 18122009-10-10T16:40:59-05:00https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc9922/<p><a href="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc9922/"><img alt="The Financial History of the War of 1812" title="The Financial History of the War of 1812" src="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc9922/small/"/></a></p><p>The War of 1812 brought daunting financial challenges to the national government of the United States. At the onset of war, policymakers were still in the process of sifting through a developing body of American economic thought while contemplating the practicalities of banking and public finance. The young nation's wartime experience encompassed the travails of incompetent and cautious leadership, the incautious optimism that stemmed from several previous years of economic growth, the inadequacies of the banking system, and, ultimately, the temporary deterioration of the financial position of the United States. While not equivalent to great tragedy, the war did force Americans to attend to the financial infrastructure of the country and reevaluate what kinds of institutions were truly necessary. This study of the financing of the War of 1812 provides a greater understanding of how the early American economy functioned and the sources of its economic progress during that era. Financial studies have typically not been a primary focus of historians, and certainly with regard to the War of 1812, it is easy to understand a preoccupation with political and military affairs. To a large degree, however, economic realities and financial infrastructure determine a nation's capacity for growth and change as well as national strength. The War of 1812 offers a prism through which to view the tensions of economic and financial policymaking during an emergency situation and reveals an important turning point in the development of distinctly American financial ideas and institutions.</p>Jacksonian Democracy and the Electoral College: Politics and Reform in the Method of Selecting Presidential Electors, 1824-18332007-09-25T21:27:42-05:00https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2775/<p><a href="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2775/"><img alt="Jacksonian Democracy and the Electoral College: Politics and Reform in the Method of Selecting Presidential Electors, 1824-1833" title="Jacksonian Democracy and the Electoral College: Politics and Reform in the Method of Selecting Presidential Electors, 1824-1833" src="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2775/small/"/></a></p><p>The Electoral College and Jacksonian Democracy are two subjects that have been studied extensively. Taken together, however, little has been written on how the method of choosing presidential electors during the Age of Jackson changed. Although many historians have written on the development of political parties and the increase in voter participation during this time, none have focused on how politicians sought to use the method of selecting electors to further party development in the country. Between 1824 and 1832 twelve states changed their methods of choosing electors. In almost every case, the reason for changing methods was largely political but was promoted in terms of advancing democracy. A careful study of the movement toward selecting electors on a general ticket shows that political considerations in terms of party and/or state power were much more important than promoting democratic ideals. Despite the presence of a few true reformers who consistently pushed for a constitutional amendment guaranteeing that all states used the same method, the conclusion must be that politics and party demanded a change. This study relies heavily on legislative records at both the state and national level and newspapers throughout t the country from the period. Beginning with a brief history of the office of the president and an overview of the presidential elections prior to 1824, the author then carefully analyzes the elections of 1824, 1828, and 1832, as well as the various efforts to amend the constitutional provisions dealing with the Electoral College. Particular emphasis is placed on political factions at the state level, the development of the Democratic and National Republican parties nationally, and how each party used and at time manipulated the electoral process to secure a favorable outcome for their candidates.</p>The Rise of a Two-Party State: A Case Study of Houston and Harris County, Texas, 1952-19622008-10-02T16:52:20-05:00https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc6145/<p><a href="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc6145/"><img alt="The Rise of a Two-Party State: A Case Study of Houston and Harris County, Texas, 1952-1962" title="The Rise of a Two-Party State: A Case Study of Houston and Harris County, Texas, 1952-1962" src="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc6145/small/"/></a></p><p>This thesis discusses the rise of the Republican party in Texas and specifically Harris County. The time period is the decade between the Presidential election of Dwight D. Eisenhower and the campaign of Jack Cox for Governor. Changes in the structure and leadership of the Republican party at the state level and specific precincts are examined in detail in chapter one. Leaders in Houston during this time period, such as Jesse Jones, Roy Cullen, and Oveta Culp Hobby are discussed in chapter two. The elections of Eisenhower, Cox, and Republican John Tower are analyzed in chapter three. The conclusion finds six major factors for the political changes occurring in Harris County, including economic and demographic changes. Main sources for this work included the Harris County Democratic party records and the Jack Cox Papers at the Center for American History, the Eisenhower Library, and the John Tower Papers.</p>Extermination Warfare? The Conduct of the Second Marine Division at Saipan2008-10-02T16:43:08-05:00https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc6098/<p><a href="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc6098/"><img alt="Extermination Warfare? The Conduct of the Second Marine Division at Saipan" title="Extermination Warfare? The Conduct of the Second Marine Division at Saipan" src="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc6098/small/"/></a></p><p>Historians John W. Dower, Craig Cameron, and Ronald Takaki argue that the Pacific War was a war of extermination fueled by race hate. Therefore, the clash between the military forces of the Japanese Empire and United States of America yielded a "kill or be killed" environment across the battlefields of the Pacific. This work examines the conduct of the Second Marine Division during its campaign of conquest against the Japanese held island of Saipan from June 15, 1944-July 9, 1944. It is based upon traditional military history sources to test their theories in context of the conduct of Marines toward Japanese soldiers and civilians during the Saipan campaign. Did Marines practice a war of extermination or conduct themselves in a humane manner?</p>The Crater of Diamonds: A History of the Pike County, Arkansas, Diamond Field, 1906-19722007-09-26T02:07:46-05:00https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3088/<p><a href="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3088/"><img alt="The Crater of Diamonds: A History of the Pike County, Arkansas, Diamond Field, 1906-1972" title="The Crater of Diamonds: A History of the Pike County, Arkansas, Diamond Field, 1906-1972" src="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3088/small/"/></a></p><p>The first diamond mine in North America was discovered in 1906 when John W. Huddleston found two diamonds on his farm just south of Murfreesboro in Pike County, Arkansas. Experts soon confirmed that the diamond-bearing formation on which Huddleston made his discovery was the second largest of its kind and represented 25 percent of all known diamond-bearing areas in the world. Discovery of the field generated nearly a half century of speculative activity by men trying to demonstrate and exploit its commercial viability. The field, however, lacked the necessary richness for successful commercial ventures, and mining was eventually replaced in the early 1950s by tourist attractions that operated successfully until 1972. At that time the State of Arkansas purchased the field and converted it to a state park. Thus this work tell the rich and complicated story of America'a once and only diamond field, analyzes the reasons for the repeated failures of efforts to make it commercially viable, and explains how it eventually succeeded as a tourist venture.</p>Burying the War Hatchet: Spanish-Comanche Relations in Colonial Texas, 1743-18212007-09-26T02:06:57-05:00https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3085/<p><a href="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3085/"><img alt="Burying the War Hatchet: Spanish-Comanche Relations in Colonial Texas, 1743-1821" title="Burying the War Hatchet: Spanish-Comanche Relations in Colonial Texas, 1743-1821" src="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3085/small/"/></a></p><p>This dissertation provides a history of Spanish-Comanche relations during the era of Spanish Texas. The study is based on research in archival documents, some newly discovered. Chapter 1 presents an overview of events that brought both people to the land that Spaniards named Texas. The remaining chapters provide a detailed account of Spanish-Comanche interaction from first contact until the end of Spanish rule in 1821. Although it is generally written that Spaniards first met Comanches at San Antonio de Béxar in 1743, a careful examination of Spanish documents indicates that Spaniards heard rumors of Comanches in Texas in the 1740s, but their first meeting did not occur until the early 1750s. From that first encounter until the close of the Spanish era, Spanish authorities instituted a number of different policies in their efforts to coexist peacefully with the Comanche nation. The author explores each of those policies, how the Comanches reacted to those policies, and the impact of that diplomacy on both cultures. Spaniards and Comanches negotiated a peace treaty in 1785, and that treaty remained in effect, with varying degrees of success, for the duration of Spanish rule. Leaders on both sides were committed to maintaining that peace, although Spaniards were hampered by meager resources and Comanches by the decentralized organization of their society. The dissertation includes a detailed account of the Spanish expedition to the Red River in 1759, led by Colonel Diego Ortiz Parrilla. That account, based on the recently discovered diary of Juan Angel de Oyarzún, provides new information on the campaign as well as a reevaluation of its outcome. The primary intention of this study is to provide a balanced account of Spanish-Comanche relations, relying on the historical record as well as anthropological evidence to uncover, wherever possible, the Comanche side of the story. The research reveals much about the political organization of the Comanche people.</p>Combat Reconsidered: A Statistical Analysis of Small-Unit Actions During the American Civil War2007-09-25T22:56:09-05:00https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3066/<p><a href="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3066/"><img alt="Combat Reconsidered: A Statistical Analysis of Small-Unit Actions During the American Civil War" title="Combat Reconsidered: A Statistical Analysis of Small-Unit Actions During the American Civil War" src="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3066/small/"/></a></p><p>Historians often emphasize the physical features of battleterrain, weaponry, troop formations, earthworks, etc.in assessments of Civil War combat. Most scholars agree that these external combat conditions strongly influenced battle performance. Other historians accentuate the ways in which the mental stresses of soldiering affected combat performance. These scholars tend to agree that fighting effectiveness was influenced by such non-physical combat conditions as unit cohesion, leadership, morale, and emotional stress. Few authors argue that combat's mental influences were more significant in determining success or failure than the physical features of the battlefield. Statistical analysis of the 465 tactical engagements fought by twenty-seven Federal regiments in the First Division of the Army of the Potomac's Second Corps throughout the American Civil War suggests that the mental aspects of battle affected fighting efficiency at least as muchand probably more thancombat's physical characteristics. In other words, the soldiers' attitudes, opinions, and emotions had a somewhat stronger impact on combat performance than their actions, positions, and weaponry.</p>Space Race: African American Newspapers Respond to Sputnik and Apollo 112008-05-02T15:20:03-05:00https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc5115/<p><a href="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc5115/"><img alt="Space Race: African American Newspapers Respond to Sputnik and Apollo 11" title="Space Race: African American Newspapers Respond to Sputnik and Apollo 11" src="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc5115/small/"/></a></p><p>Using African American newspapers, this study examines the consensual opinion of articles and editorials regarding two events associated with the space race. One event is the Soviet launch of Sputnik on October 4, 1957. The second is the Apollo 11 moon landing on July 20, 1969. Space Race investigates how two scientific accomplishments achieved during the Cold War and the civil rights movement stimulated debate within the newspapers, and that ultimately centered around two questions: why the Soviets were successful in launching a satellite before the US, and what benefits could come from landing on the moon. Anti-intellectualism, inferior public schools, and a lack of commitment on the part of the US government are arguments offered for analysis by black writers in the two years studied. This topic involves the social conditions of African Americans living within the United States during an era when major civil rights objectives were achieved. Also included are considerations of how living in a "space age" contributed to thoughts about civil rights, as African Americans were now living during a period in which science fiction was becoming reality. In addition, this thesis examines how two scientific accomplishments achieved during this time affected ideas about education, science, and living conditions in the U.S. that were debated by black writers and editors, and subsequently circulated for readers to ponder and debate. This paper argues that black newspapers viewed Sputnik as constituting evidence for an inferior US public school system, contrasted with the Soviet system. Due to segregation between the races and anti-intellectual antecedents in America, black newspapers believed that African Americans were an "untapped resource" that could aid in the Cold War if their brains were utilized. The Apollo moon landing was greeted with enthusiasm because of the universal wonder at landing on the moon itself and the prowess demonstrated by the collective commitment and organization necessary to achieve such an objective by decades end. However, consistently accompanying this adulation is disappointment that domestic problems were not given the same type of funding or national commitment.</p>The Rise, Fall, and Redemption of Oran M. Roberts2008-02-15T15:26:45-06:00https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4459/<p><a href="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4459/"><img alt="The Rise, Fall, and Redemption of Oran M. Roberts" title="The Rise, Fall, and Redemption of Oran M. Roberts" src="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4459/small/"/></a></p><p>This thesis analyzes the political career of Oran M. Roberts during the critical period from 1850 to 1873. Through a reassessment of Roberts's extensive personal papers in the context of modern historical scholarship, the author explains how Roberts's political philosophy reflected the biases and prejudices typical of his era, as well as his own material interests and ambitions. Topic areas covered include Roberts's position on the Compromise of 1850, his constitutional philosophy, his involvement in the secession movement in Texas (including his service as president of the state secession convention), his military career during the Civil War, his participation in Presidential Reconstruction, his views on Congressional Reconstruction, and his role in the process of "redemption" in Texas.</p>The Confederate Pension Systems in Texas, Georgia, and Virginia: The Programs and the People2008-02-15T15:48:09-06:00https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4647/<p><a href="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4647/"><img alt="The Confederate Pension Systems in Texas, Georgia, and Virginia: The Programs and the People" title="The Confederate Pension Systems in Texas, Georgia, and Virginia: The Programs and the People" src="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4647/small/"/></a></p><p>The United States government began paying pensions to disabled Union veterans before the Civil War ended in April 1865. By 1890 its pension programs included any Union veteran who had fought in the Civil War, regardless of his financial means, as well as surviving family members, including mothers, fathers, brothers, and sisters. Union veterans did not hesitate to "wave the bloody shirt" in their attempts to liberalize pension laws. Pension programs for Confederate veterans were much slower to develop. Lacking any higher organization, each southern state assumed the responsibility of caring for disabled and/or indigent Confederate veterans and widows. Texas began paying Confederate pensions in 1899, Georgia in 1888 and Virginia in 1889. Unlike Texas, Georgia and Virginia provided artificial limbs for their veterans long before they started paying pensions. At the time of his enlistment in the 1860s, the typical future pensioner was twenty-five years of age, and fewer than half were married heads of households. Very few could be considered wealthy and most were employed in agriculture. The pensioners of Georgia, Texas, and Virginia were remarkably similar, although there were some differences in nativity and marital status. They were all elderly and needy by the time they asked for assistance from their governments. The Confederate pension programs emerged about the same time the Lost Cause began to gain popularity. This movement probably had more influence in Georgia and Virginia than in Texas. Texas tended more to look to the future rather than the past, and although Confederate veterans dominated its legislature for years, its pension program could not be called generous. The Civil War pension programs died out with the veterans and widows they were designed to care for and did not evolve directly into any other programs. Because they helped to remove the stigma of receiving government aid (state or federal), The pension programs served as precedents for future social programs.</p>The Role of Violence in Hunt County, Texas, during Reconstruction2008-02-15T15:47:17-06:00https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4659/<p><a href="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4659/"><img alt="The Role of Violence in Hunt County, Texas, during Reconstruction" title="The Role of Violence in Hunt County, Texas, during Reconstruction" src="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4659/small/"/></a></p><p>The post Civil War period known as Reconstruction remains a topic of interest for historians. Having avoided the experience of invasion by Northern troops during the Civil War, the people living in the interior of the state of Texas accepted Confederate defeat at first. However, with the instituting of Northern efforts at Reconstruction, such as the installation of Republican interim government officials, the arrival of Freedmen's Bureau agents, and in some parts the stationing of federal troops, conservative whites throughout the state became defiant toward the federal government and its policies. Some white southerners even went so far as to take up arms and become embroiled in open conflict with the federal government and its local institutions. As a result, Unionist whites and freedmen found themselves to be the targets of groups of desperados committed to upholding the Southern Cause and ensuring the return of the conservative Democratic party to power in Texas politics. This study focuses on Hunt County from the years 1860 - 1873 to determine to what extent violence played a role in the era of Reconstruction. An analysis of data primarily from county, state, and federal records forms the basis of this study. The information obtained through research suggests that violence played a major role in Hunt County during Reconstruction as a political weapon used to eradicate Republican institutions and efforts.</p>The "Sixties" Come to North Texas State University, 1968-19722008-02-15T15:47:31-06:00https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4654/<p><a href="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4654/"><img alt="The "Sixties" Come to North Texas State University, 1968-1972" title="The "Sixties" Come to North Texas State University, 1968-1972" src="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4654/small/"/></a></p><p>North Texas State University and the surrounding Denton community enjoyed a quiet college atmosphere throughout most of the 1960s. With the retirement of President J. C. Matthews in 1968, however, North Texas began witnessing the issues most commonly associated with the turbulent decade, such as the struggle for civil rights, the anti-Vietnam War movement, the fight for student rights on campus, and the emergence of the Counterculture. Over the last two years of the decade, North Texas State University and the surrounding community dealt directly with the 1960s and, under the astute leadership of President John J. Kamerick, successfully endured trying times.</p>James Evetts Haley and the New Deal: Laying the Foundations for the Modern Republican Party in Texas2008-02-15T15:34:36-06:00https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4573/<p><a href="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4573/"><img alt="James Evetts Haley and the New Deal: Laying the Foundations for the Modern Republican Party in Texas" title="James Evetts Haley and the New Deal: Laying the Foundations for the Modern Republican Party in Texas" src="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4573/small/"/></a></p><p>James Evetts Haley, a West Texas rancher and historian, balked at the liberalism promoted by President Franklin D. Roosevelt and the New Deal. Haley grew concerned about increased federal control over states and believed Roosevelt was leading the country toward bankruptcy. In 1936, Haley, a life-long Democrat, led the Jeffersonian Democrats in Texas, who worked to defeat Roosevelt and supported the Republican candidate, Alf Landon. He continued to lead a small faction of anti-New Deal Texans in various movements through the 1960s. Haley espoused and defended certain conservative principles over the course of his life and the development of these ideas created the philosophical base of the modern Republican Party in Texas.</p>A Comparison of the Status of Widows in Eighteenth-Century England and Colonial America.2008-02-15T15:13:46-06:00https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4507/<p><a href="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4507/"><img alt="A Comparison of the Status of Widows in Eighteenth-Century England and Colonial America." title="A Comparison of the Status of Widows in Eighteenth-Century England and Colonial America." src="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4507/small/"/></a></p><p>This thesis compares the status of upper-class widows in England to Colonial America. The common law traditions in England established dower, which was also used in the American colonies. Dower guaranteed widows the right to one-third of the land and property of her husband. Jointure was instituted in England in 1536 and enabled men to bypass dower and settle a yearly sum on a widow. The creation of jointure was able to proliferate in England due to the cash-centered economy, but jointure never manifested itself in Colonial America because of the land centered economy. These two types of inheritance form the background for the argument that upper-class women in Colonial America had more legal and economical freedoms than their brethren in England.</p>Lone Star under the Rising Sun: Texas's "Lost Battalion," 2nd Battalion, 131st Field Artillery Regiment, During World War II2008-02-15T16:14:52-06:00https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4737/<p><a href="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4737/"><img alt="Lone Star under the Rising Sun: Texas's "Lost Battalion," 2nd Battalion, 131st Field Artillery Regiment, During World War II" title="Lone Star under the Rising Sun: Texas's "Lost Battalion," 2nd Battalion, 131st Field Artillery Regiment, During World War II" src="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4737/small/"/></a></p><p>In March 1942, the 2nd Battalion, 131st Field Artillery Regiment, 36th Division, surrendered to the Japanese Imperial Army on Java in the Dutch East Indies. Shortly after the surrender, the men of the 2nd Battalion were joined as prisoners-of-war by the sailors and Marines who survived the sinking of the heavy cruiser USS Houston. From March 1942 until the end of World War II, these men lived in various Japanese prison camps throughout the Dutch East Indies, Southeast Asia, and in the Japanese home islands. Forced to labor for their captors for the duration of the conflict, they performed extremely difficult tasks, including working in industrial plants and mining coal in Japan, and most notably, constructing the infamous Burma-Thailand Death Railway. During their three-and-one-half years of captivity, these prisoners experienced brutality at the hands of the Japanese. Enduring prolonged malnutrition and extreme overwork, they suffered from numerous tropical and dietary diseases while receiving almost no medical care. Each day, these men lived in fear of being beaten and tortured, and for months at a time they witnessed the agonizing deaths of their friends and countrymen. In spite of the conditions they faced, most survived to return to the United States at war's end. This study examines the experiences of these former prisoners from 1940 to 1945 and attempts to explain how they survived.</p>Amon Carter: The Founder of Modern Fort Worth, 1930-19552008-02-15T16:08:02-06:00https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4784/<p><a href="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4784/"><img alt="Amon Carter: The Founder of Modern Fort Worth, 1930-1955" title="Amon Carter: The Founder of Modern Fort Worth, 1930-1955" src="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4784/small/"/></a></p><p>From 1930 to 1955, Amon Carter, publisher of the Fort Worth Star-Telegram, exerted his power to create modern Fort Worth. Carter used his stature as the publisher of the city's major newspaper to build a modern city out of this livestock center. Between 1930 and 1955, Carter lobbied successfully for New Deal funds for Fort Worth, persuaded Consolidated Aircraft to build an airplane plant in the city, and convinced Burlington Railways to stay in the city. He also labored unsuccessfully to have the Trinity River Canal built and to secure a General Motors plant for Fort Worth. These efforts demonstrate that Carter was indeed the founder of modern Fort Worth.</p>Connecting Ireland and America: Early English Colonial Theory 1560-16202008-02-15T16:10:40-06:00https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4756/<p><a href="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4756/"><img alt="Connecting Ireland and America: Early English Colonial Theory 1560-1620" title="Connecting Ireland and America: Early English Colonial Theory 1560-1620" src="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4756/small/"/></a></p><p>This work demonstrates the connections that exist in rhetoric and planning between the Irish plantation projects in the Ards, Munster , Ulster and the Jamestown colony in Virginia . The planners of these projects focused on the creation of internal stability rather than the mission to 'civilize' the natives. The continuity between these projects is examined on several points: the rhetoric the English used to describe the native peoples and the lands to be colonized, who initiated each project, funding and financial terms, the manner of establishing title, the manner of granting the lands to settlers, and the status the natives were expected to hold in the plantation. Comparison of these points highlights the early English colonial idea and the variance between rhetoric and planning.</p>The Reluctant Partisan: Nathanael Greene's Southern Campaigns, 1780-17832008-02-15T16:10:00-06:00https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4766/<p><a href="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4766/"><img alt="The Reluctant Partisan: Nathanael Greene's Southern Campaigns, 1780-1783" title="The Reluctant Partisan: Nathanael Greene's Southern Campaigns, 1780-1783" src="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4766/small/"/></a></p><p>Nathanael Greene spent the first five years of the American Revolution serving as a line and field officer in the Continental Army and developed a nuanced revolutionary strategy based on preserving the Continental Army and a belief that all forces should be long-service national troops. He carried these views with him to his command in the southern theater but developed a partisan approach due to problems he faced in the region. Greene effectively kept his army supplied to such an extent that it remained in the field to oppose the British with very little outside assistance. He reluctantly utilized a partisan strategy while simultaneously arguing for the creation of a permanent Continental force for the region.</p>An unjust legacy: A critical study of the political campaigns of William Andrews Clark, 1888-1901.2008-05-05T14:06:44-05:00https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc5251/<p><a href="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc5251/"><img alt="An unjust legacy: A critical study of the political campaigns of William Andrews Clark, 1888-1901." title="An unjust legacy: A critical study of the political campaigns of William Andrews Clark, 1888-1901." src="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc5251/small/"/></a></p><p>In a time of laissez-faire government, monopolistic businesses and political debauchery, William Andrews Clark played a significant role in the developing West, achieving financial success rivaling Jay Gould, George Hearst, Andrew Carnegie, and J. P. Morgan. Clark built railroads, ranches, factories, utilities, and developed timber and water resources, and was internationally known as a capitalist, philanthropist and art collector. Nonetheless, Clark is unjustly remembered for his bitter twelve-year political battle with copper baron Marcus Daly that culminated in a scandalous senatorial election in January 1899. The subsequent investigation was a judicial travesty based on personal hatred and illicit tactics. Clark's political career had national implications and lasting consequences. His enemies shaped his legacy, and for one hundred years historians have unquestioningly accepted it.</p>