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Japan's Response to U.S. Trade Pressures: End of an Era?: Over the past 30 years, U.S. trade negotiators have pressured Japan to open its market to foreign goods and services. These outside pressures, known as gaiatsu in Japan, have been based partly on economically coercive bargaining and partly on invitation. The coercive element, which has entailed threats of retaliatory market constriction should a satisfactory resolution of the market opening dispute not be forthcoming, generally has been a necessary ingredient in obtaining concessions from Japan. The invitational component, which has included requests for U.S. pressures from Japanese interests who favor reforms, generally has facilitated Japanese concessions and made the gaiatsu process unique.
The U.S. Occupation of Haiti, 1915-1934: In 1915, the United States undertook a military occupation of Haiti to preempt any European intervention, to establish order out of civil strife, and to stabilize Haitian finances. During the nineteen-year occupation, U.S. military and civilian officials, numbering less than 2500 for the most part, supervised the collection of taxes and the disbursement of revenues, maintained public order, and initiated a program of public works. The Haitian government remained in place, but was subject to U.S. guidance. The Haitian people benefitted from the end of endemic political violence and from the construction of roads, bridges, and ports as well as from improved access to health care. The U.S. occupation was, nonetheless, deeply resented throughout Haitian society, and many of its accomplishments did not long endure its termination in 1934.
Religious Persecution Abroad: Congressional Concerns and Actions: The 105 Congress has sought to raise the priority of combating religious persecution worldwide among U.S. foreign policy objectives. The difficulty has been in agreeing on legislation that would effectively deal with religious persecution without adversely affecting other important U.S. interests. On May 14, 1998, the House passed H.R. 2431 (the Freedom from Religious Persecution Act of 1998) establishing in the State Department a Director of the Office of Religious Persecution Monitoring who is to issue an annual report assessing religious persecution abroad. The legislation places sanctions on countries and groups that carry out or permit such activities. The Senate may soon consider S. 1868 establishing an office in the Department of State to monitor religious persecution headed by an Ambassador at Large and requiring the President to take some action from a broad list of options against countries found engaging in or tolerating religious persecution.
Research and Development in Russia: An Important Factor for the Future: No Description Available.
Iraqi Chemical and Biological Weapons (CBW) Capabilities: No Description Available.
Iraqi Chemical and Biological Weapons (CBW) Capabilities: Report on the weapon capabilities of Iraq, specifically on chemical and biological weapons.
Bosnia Stabilization Force (SFOR) and U.S. Policy: In December 1995, a NATO-led implementation force (IFOR) was deployed to Bosnia to enforce the military aspects of the Bosnian peace agreement. After fierce debate, the House and Senate passed separate resolutions in December 1995 expressing support for the U.S. troops in Bosnia, although not necessarily for the mission itself. Legislative efforts to bar funds for the deployment of U.S. troops to Bosnia were narrowly rejected. In the 105th Congress, similar efforts to bar a U.S. deployment after June 1998 were also rejected, although the FY 1998 defense authorization and appropriations laws contain reporting requirements that must be fulfilled before an extended deployment may take place. The defense appropriation measure requires the President to seek a supplemental appropriation for any deployment after June 1998.
Key Foreign and Defense Policy Issues in the 104th Congress: The new post-Cold War world and the role of the United States will be shaped by action on a wide variety of foreign policy and defense issues. The 104th Congress will debate many of these issues and help determine the outcome as it considers the National Security Act proposed by House Republicans in the Contract with America and takes up bills on foreign policy and defense agencies, programs, and budgets.
Japan-U.S. Trade: The Structural Impediments Initiative: On May 25, 1989, President Bush proposed that the United States undertake the Structural Impediments Initiative (SII), a series of discussions with Japan to address certain fundamental Japanese economic policies and business practices that the United States claims impede U.S. exports and investments. The SII was, in part, a Bush Administration response to the stubborn U.S. trade deficit and other problems that have caused friction in the U.S. trading relationship with Japan. It was also a response to congressional pressure to deal more aggressively with Japanese unfair trade practices and to calls from critics to adopt a "managed" trade policy toward Japan.
The Japan-United States Framework for Trade Negotiations: President Clinton proposed to Prime Minister Miyazawa the idea of a framework for U.S.-Japanese negotiations during their April 13, 1993 meeting in Washington. The two leaders agreed to instruct subordinates to prepare details of such a framework in time for presentation in July in Tokyo when the President would meet with the Prime Minister and the other G-7 leaders at the annual economic summit.
Japanese-U.S. Trade Relations: Cooperation or Confrontation?: With Japan the United States has had one of its most important and most difficult trading relationships. Japan ranks second to Canada as the largest U.S. export market. It is also the second largest single source of imports to the United States. Trade issues are likely to become even more important as the whole U.S.-Japanese relationship changes in the post-Cold War period. How each country views and reacts to the other is changing as economic issues replace foreign policy and national security issues as the driving force of the relationship.
Japanese-U.S. Trade Relations: Cooperation or Confrontation?: With Japan the United States has had one of its most important, and, at the same time, one of its most difficult, trading rela- tionships. Japan ranks second to Canada as the largest U.S. export market. It is also the largest single source of imports to the United States.
U.S.-Japan Trade: Framework Talks and Other Issues: No Description Available.
U.S.-Japan Trade: Framework Talks and Other Issues: No Description Available.
U.S.-Japan Trade: Framework Talks and Other Issues: The United States and Japan are closely tied economically. Japan ranks second only to Canada as the largest U.S. export market. Japan is the leading market for American agricultural exports, such as corn and meat; for U.S. crude materials such as wood; and for U.S.-produced aircraft. Japan is also the second largest supplier of U.S. imports. These include cars, consumer electronics, telecommunications equipment, and computers. The United States ranks as Japan's number one export market and import supplier.
U.S.-Japan Trade: Framework Talks and Other Issues: The United States and Japan are closely tied economically. Japan ranks second only to Canada as the largest U.S. export market. Japan is the leading market for American agricultural exports, such as corn and meat; for U.S. crude materials such as wood; and for U.S.-produced aircraft. Japan is also the second largest supplier of U.S. imports. These include cars, consumer electronics, telecommunications equipment, and computers. The United States ranks as Japan's number one export market and import supplier.
U.S.-Japan Trade: Framework Talks and Other Issues: The United States and Japan are closely tied economically. Japan ranks second only to Canada as the largest U.S. export market. Japan is the leading market for American agricultural exports, such as corn and meat; for U.S. crude materials such as wood; and for U.S.-produced aircraft. Japan is also the second largest supplier of U.S. imports. These include cars, consumer electronics, telecommunications equipment, and computers. The United States ranks as Japan's number one export market and import supplier.
U.S.-Japan Trade: Framework Talks and Other Issues: The United States and Japan are closely tied economically. Japan ranks second only to Canada as the largest U.S. export market. Japan is the leading market for American agricultural exports, such as corn and meat; for U.S. crude materials such as wood; and for U.S.-produced aircraft. Japan is also the second largest supplier of U.S. imports. These include cars, consumer electronics, telecommunications equipment, and computers. The United States ranks as Japan's number one export market and import supplier.
Asian Financial Crisis: An Analysis of U.S. Foreign Policy Interests and Options: The principal focus of this report is on the foreign policy ramifications of the Asian financial crisis and U.S. options for addressing them. This report tracks and analyzes the efforts of the most seriously affected Asian countries to deal with their economic and financial problems, and their interaction with the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the United States, and other major sources of financial support and policy advice. It also addresses the implications of the crisis for such U.S. interests as regional stability and the prevention of conflict, trade liberalization, and U.S. regional and global leadership, and discusses the principal factors that could influence the duration and severity of the crisis. A final section considers options for Congress in the context of various criticisms of the IMF’s stabilization programs and the operations of the Fund itself.
Japan-U.S. Global Partnership: Implications of the Postponement of the President's November 1991 Trip to Japan: Both the Bush Administration and the new Japanese Government headed by Prime Minister Kiichi Miyazawa had given considerable importance to the President,s planned trip to Tokyo in late November, now postponed in the interest of attending to domestic concerns.
Japan-U.S. Relations in a Post-Cold War Environment: Emerging Trends and Issues for U.S. Policy: The prospects for Japan-U.S. relations in a rapidly changing minternational environment were explored in depth in a September 27, 1991, CRS seminar entitled "The Future of U.S.-Japan Relations: Global Partnership or Strategic, Rivalry?" A full transcript of the proceedings was published in February 1992 by the House Committee on Ways and Means as a Committee Print. This report summarizes the principal findings of that seminar.
Japan-U.S. Relations: Policy Issues for the Clinton Administration and the 103rd Congress: The Clinton Administration and the 103rd Congress are in the early stages of a major review of U.S. trade, international and security relations with Japan, the principal U.S. ally and trading partner in Asia. A number of recent developments have raised tensions in this mutually beneficial relationship, which is still characterized by deepening economic interdependence and close political and security cooperation. These include the end of the Cold War, which has eliminated a common military threat; the recent renewed rise in Japan's trade surplus after several years of decline; and increasing international assertiveness by Japan, sometimes in conflict with U.S. policy.
Japan's New Era of Coalition Governance: Implications for U.S. Interests and Policy: Recent Japanese political instability has complicated U.S.-Japan relations and posed new challenges to the achievement of important American economic, foreign policy and security objectives. Since July 1993 Japan has been governed by coalitions under three different prime ministers. The first coalition, under Prime Minister Morihiro Hosokawa, pushed through electoral and campaign finance reform legislation of potentially long-term significance, but failed to overcome political, bureaucratic and interest group resistance to its economic and administrative reform agenda. Its successor's have appeared to have progressively less power and will to carry out promised reforms or assume international leadership commensurate with Japan's global economic weight.
Japan's Ongoing Political Instability: Implications for U.S. Interests: The surprise election of Socialist Party leader Tomiichi Murayama as Prime Minister on June 29, 1994, reflects an ongoing process of change and realignment in Japanese politics that, in the short term, has made the management of U.S.-Japan relations significantly more difficult and impeded the resolution of important issues. Although Murayama has pledged continuity in U.S.-Japan relations, and key cabinet posts have been given to senior LDP leaders with experience in dealing with Washington, his election could have a number of negative implications for U.S. interests. Among other possibilities, the change could temporarily set back the cause of political reform in Japan, further delay the recovery of the Japanese economy from a three-year long slump, pose new obstacles to trade negotiations aimed at more fully opening Japanese markets to U.S. goods and services, and bring into question Tokyo's cooperation under certain scenarios on the issue of North Korea's nuclear weapons program. The likely hiatus in major decisionmaking may continue at least until the next general election.
Pakistan Aid Cutoff: U.S. Nonproliferation and Foreign Policy Considerations: U.S. aid and arms sales to Pakistan generally had been prohibited since October 1990 because the President could not make a required annual certification to Congress under Section 620E(e) of the Foreign Assistance Act, the so-called "Pressler Amendment," that Pakistan did not possess a nuclear explosive device. However, on February 12, 1996, the President signed into law the Foreign Operations Appropriations Act for FY1996, which includes provisions that significantly relax previous restrictions on U.S. aid to Pakistan.
North Korea: U.S. Policy and Negotiations to Halt Its Nuclear Weapons Program: An Annotated Chronology and Analysis: On October 21, 1994, the United States and North Korea signed an accord that, if fully implemented on a step-by-step basis, could resolve a prolonged confrontation over Pyongyang's suspected nuclear weapons program. The accord came after 17 months of volatile talks, marked periodically by American threats to seek United Nations economic sanctions and various dire warnings and implied military threats from Pyongyang. Although the Clinton Administration maintains that the agreement fulfills its long-standing basic negotiating objectives, the accord differs significantly from earlier U.S. negotiating positions in regard to the timing and sequencing of actions by both parties, and includes some new elements.
German Military Presence in the United States: The Case of Holloman Air Force Base: This report the addresses German Military Presence in the United States. The United States has a long history of training with its allies, both here and abroad. Germany first began training its pilots in the United States in 1955.1 The scope of these training programs has grown ever since. Many analysts argue that the most important benefit of an increasing German military presence in the United States may be to enhance opportunities for cooperation at a time when the United States has dramatically reduced its military presence in Europe.
China: Current U.S. Sanctions: In the months following China,s 1989 Tiananmen Square crackdown, both the President and the Congress took a number of initiatives protesting Beijing's actions. These initiatives centered around U.S. concerns related to trade, human rights, and non-proliferation. In intervening years, the United States has periodically imposed, lifted, or waived other sanctions and concluded several trade- related agreements with China relating to these concerns. Those measures that remain in place in 1994 are detailed in the accompanying tables.
China: Pending Legislation in the 105th Congress: The 105 Congress has been active on issues involving China. This report, which will be updated as developments occur, tracks pending human rights legislation, including bills concerning: prison conditions and prison labor exports; coercive abortion practices; China’s policies toward religion; and more general human rights issues.
China: Pending Legislation in the 105th Congress: This report tracks pending human rights legislation, including bills concerning: prison conditions and prison labor exports (H.R. 2195, H.R. 2358); coercive abortion practices (H.R. 2570); China’s policies toward religion (H.R. 967, H.R. 2431); and more general human rights issues (H.R. 2095). Other bills concern Taiwan — in particular, Taiwan’s entry into the World Trade Organization (H.Res. 190) and the U.S. role in helping Taiwan with a theater missile defense system (H.R. 2386). Also, legislation is pending on China’s missile proliferation activities (H.Res. 188), Radio Free Asia broadcasting to China (H.R. 2232), China’s participation in multilateral institutions (H.R. 1712, H.R. 2605), and the activities of China’s military and intelligence services (H.R. 2647, H.R. 2190).
China-U.S. Relations: This report discusses the background information and most recent development in U.S.-China relations since mid-1996. The relations also have been marred by continuing allegations of Chinese espionage, ongoing controversy over human rights, charges that China continues to violate its non-proliferation commitments, controversy over the accidental NATO bombing of the Chinese Embassy in Belgrade, and renewed tensions over Taiwan. The report describes current issues in U.S.-China relations such as; Human Rights Issues, Issues in U.S.-China Security Relations, Economic Issues, and Sovereignty Issues: Taiwan, Tibet, Hong Kong.
China-U.S. Relations: This report discusses the background information and most recent development in U.S.-China relations since mid-1996. The relations also have been marred by continuing allegations of Chinese espionage, ongoing controversy over human rights, charges that China continues to violate its non-proliferation commitments, controversy over the accidental NATO bombing of the Chinese Embassy in Belgrade, and renewed tensions over Taiwan. The report describes current issues in U.S.-China relations such as; Human Rights Issues, Issues in U.S.-China Security Relations, Economic Issues, and Sovereignty Issues: Taiwan, Tibet, Hong Kong.
Current U.S. Sanctions Against China: In the months following China's 1989 Tiananmen Square crackdown, both the President and the Congress took a number of initiatives protesting Beijing's actions. These initiatives centered around U.S. concerns related to trade, human rights, and non-proliferation. In intervening years, the United States has periodically imposed, lifted, or waived other sanctions and concluded several trade-related agreements with China relating to these concerns. Those measures that remain in place in 1994 are detailed in the accompanying tables.
Hong Kong After Its Return to China: Implications for US Interests: Hong Kong's return to China on July 1, 1997, went surprisingly smoothly. In the ensuing months, policy analysts are trying to assess how the territory will fare in the longer run under Chinese rule. The answer is important to U.S. interests because of the enormous U.S. economic presence in Hong Kong; because any adverse developments in Hong Kong are likely to affect U.S.-China relations; and because China's promise to give Hong Kong a high degree of autonomy under the "one-China, two-systems" policy has major implications for Taiwan. But given the political situation, the American ability to affect the course of events in Hong Kong seems marginal unless the U.S. decides to confront Beijing more directly. Developments in U.S.-China relations in recent years suggest Washington might be hesitant to do so.
Hong Kong: Sino-British Disputes and Implications for U.S. Interests: On Oct. 7, 1992, Hong Kong's new Governor, Christopher F. Patten, unveiled a set of proposals to expand the voting franchise in Hong Kong and broaden the scope of other democratic initiatives. The People's Republic of China, which resumes sovereignty over Hong Kong on July 1, 1997, has objected strenuously to the proposals, claiming they are a violation of the 1984 Sino-British Joint Declaration on the Question of Hong Kong. British and Hong Kong officials deny this, stating that the proposals deal with matters not mentioned in the Joint Declaration.
Hong Kong's Return to China: Implications for U.S. Interests: In the months approaching China's resumption of sovereignty over Hong Kong on July 1, 1997, policy analysts are trying to assess how the territory will fare under Chinese rule. The answer is important to U.S. interests because of the enormous U.S. economic presence in Hong Kong; because any adverse developments in Hong Kong are likely to affect U.S.-China relations; and because China's promise to give Hong Kong a high degree of autonomy under the "one-China, two-systems" policy has major implications for Taiwan. But given the political situation, the American ability to affect the course of events in Hong Kong seems marginal unless the U.S. decides to confront Beijing more directly. Developments in U.S.-China relations in 1994-1995 suggest Washington might be hesitant to do so.
Hong Kong's Return to China: Implications for U.S. Interests: In the months approaching China's resumption of sovereignty over Hong Kong on July 1, 1997, policy analysts are trying to assess how the territory will fare under Chinese rule. The answer is important to U.S. interests because of the enormous U.S. economic presence in Hong Kong; because any adverse developments in Hong Kong are likely to affect U.S.-China relations; and because China's promise to give Hong Kong a high degree of autonomy under the "one-China, two-systems" policy has major implications for Taiwan. But given the political situation, the American ability to affect the course of events in Hong Kong seems marginal unless the U.S. decides to confront Beijing more directly. Developments in U.S.-China relations in 1994-1995 suggest Washington might be hesitant to do so.
Taiwan: Texts of the Taiwan Relations Act, the U.S. - China Communiques, and the "Six Assurances": This report discusses the U.S. policy on Taiwan, which is governed by the Taiwan Relations Act (TRA), the 3 U.S. joint communiqués with China, and the so-called "Six Assurances" on Taiwan.
Taiwan: Texts of the Taiwan Relations Act, the U.S. - China Communiques, and the "Six Assurances": U.S. policy on Taiwan is governed by the Taiwan Relations Act (TRA), the 3 U.S. joint communiqués with China, and the so-called "Six Assurances" on Taiwan. This report provides the texts of these documents.
China's Most-Favored-Nation Status: U.S. Wheat Exports: By June 3, 1994, President Clinton must determine whether or not to recommend to Congress a one-year extension of his Jackson-Vanik waiver authority, in effect extending most-favored-nation (MFN)[1] trading status to China for anothe year. The media are reporting that the President has not yet decided whether he will ask for an extension, and that he may also be deliberating over whether or not to attach conditions to a recommendation for approval.
U.S.-Japan Trade Confrontation: Economic Perspective and Policy: The United States and Japan are at odds over economic policy, particularly trade policy. There is a wide perception in the United States that Japanese trade restrictions contribute to the U.S. trade deficit and cost the United States high-wage jobs.
Radio and Television Broadcasting to Cuba: Background and Current Issues: This report provides a legislative history and funding levels for Cuba Broadcasting. It discusses specific concerns some lawmakers have had with Radio and TV Marti over the years, and presents the Panel's recommendations and the USIA Director's response and determinations, as required by the FYI994 appropriations act.
Russian-Japanese Impasse and Its Implications: Relations between Russia and Japan are seriously strained. At the heart of the impasse is a territorial dispute over a group of islands seized by the Soviet Union in 1945 and claimed by both countries. The Japanese Government maintains that there can be no normalization of relations between the two countries until Russia agrees to return the islands. Japan may refuse to participate in large-scale economic assistance to Russia until it is satisfied on the territorial question.
Russian Missile Technology and Nuclear Reactor Transfers to Iran: Many in Congress and the Clinton Administration charge that Russian entities are assisting Iran in developing ballistic missiles. Russia is also building a nuclear power station and is finishing other nuclear services to, Iran. Congress has passed legislation requiring the President to impose sanctions for missile technology transfers, arms sales, nuclear technology transfers, and large-scale investments in Iran. H.R 2709, which includes the "Iran Missile Proliferation Sanctions Act of 1997," is one of several bills designed to tighten existing sanctions law. It was amended and passed by the Senate on May 22, 1998, and by the House on June 9 by very large bipartisan majorities. Nevertheless, President Clinton vetoed the bill on June 23 and said he would work to sustain the veto.
Russian Missile Technology and Nuclear Reactor Transfers to Iran: No Description Available.
Foreign Policy Roles of the President and Congress: he United States Constitution divides foreign policy powers between the President and the Congress so that both share in the making of foreign policy. The executive and legislative branches each play important roles that are different but that often overlap. Both branches have continuing opportunities to initiate and change foreign policy, and the interaction between them continues indefinitely throughout the life of a policy. This report reviews and illustrates 12 basic ways that the United States can make foreign policy.
Asia's Reaction to NAFTA: NAFTA raises potential economic and political issues for U.S. relations with Asian countries for whom the agreement presents uncertainties regarding the future of their market opportunities in North America. As countries not associated with a preferential trading arrangement of their own, Asian countries are concerned that a trend toward regional trade agreements may affect the capacity of multilateral institutions to protect their global trading interests. This report examines Asian perceptions of NAFTA in both their economic and political dimensions, how Asian countries may respond in concrete ways to NAFTA, and, assuming that NAFTA gains approval in the U.S. Congress, what steps the United States might take toward facilitating a smooth reception for NAFTA in Asia.
Japan's Foreign Aid: Japan has quickly risen to prominence as a donor of official development assistance (ODA), providing volumes of aid on par with the United States since the late 1980s. Originally a tool to bolster Japan's postwar economic recovery, Japanese aid has gradually assumed importance as a foreign policy tool. Faced with increased pressure from the international community to play a greater role in meeting global challenges and lacking the military and diplomatic resources of other nations, Japan has increasingly turned to its foreign aid as a source of world influence.
Commercial Relations with Russia: Prospects for a Common United States-Japanese Policy: Discussions in Japan in May 1992 related to potential agreements at the September 1992 Russian-Japanese summit were keyed to the central question, Will the barriers to significant commercial cooperation involving Russia, Japan and the United States in Russian Siberia be removed? [1] From these discussions among key Japanese industrialists, bankers, government officials and academics who influence policy, came a tentative "yes", if four conditions are met. A positive outcome would thus seem more likely than at any previous time. Such an outcome would likely promote profitable trade and investment, creating jobs in U.S. enterprises and serve as a vehicle for mutually beneficial U.S.-Japanese cooperation.
Commercial Relations with the Soviet Union: Prospects for a Common United States Japanese Policy: Discussions in Japan from January 27-February 1, 1991 provided a basis for assessing the prospects for expanding commercial relations with the Soviet Union, perhaps as part of a Soviet/Japanese Summit to convene on April 16. These discussions included key Japanese industrialists, bankers, government officials and academics who influence policy. There was also a meeting of the Soviet-Japanese Business Cooperation Committee during the same period. The conditions from the Japanese perspective for favorable developments would appear to be four:

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