The People's Republic of China (PRC)'s provocative use of military force in the Taiwan Strait has appeared to subside, but not before convincing many in the Congress that the PRC regime continues to flout international norms sensitive to the United States. In addition to challenging stability in the Taiwan Strait, the PRC is seen recently to undermine important U.S. interests regarding nuclear proliferation, intellectual property rights, and missile proliferation. As a result, many in the Congress are pressing for actions -- including economic and other sanctions
The United States has pressed China over the past several years to improve its protection of U.S. intellectual property rights (IPR) and to afford greater market access to intellectual property-related products, such as computer software, compact disks (CDs), and audio-visual products. U.S. threats of trade sanctions against Chinese products helped produce trade agreements in January 1992 and February 1995 that pledged China to improve its IPR enforcement regime and expand market access for IPR-related products. However, despite these agreements, U.S. and IPR industry officials have charged that IPR piracy in China remains rampant and is costing U.S. firms $2.3 billion in lost trade annually. On May 15, 1996, the U.S. Trade Representative (USTR) threatened to impose approximately $2 billion in trade sanctions against China for failing to abide by the February 1995 IPR agreement. This report outlines the history of the U.S.-Chinese IPR dispute and examines its ramifications for future U.S.-Chinese economic relations.
Recent political and military tensions between China and Taiwan have focused new attention on U.S. economic interests in the region. The volume of trade and investment between the United States and Taiwan and China has soared during the last 10 years. This trend has helped forge closer ties between the United States and the two economies, but has also been the source of friction. U.S. economic relations with China and Taiwan are likely to be of concern to Congress during the annual debate over U.S. renewal of China's most-favored-nation (MFN) status. This report analyzes U.S. economic ties with China and Taiwan, including trends, the major issues, and future prospects. It also examines the growing economic ties between China and Taiwan
Congressional interest in the leadership change and economic transformation underway in China has grown substantially over the past few years. Leading congressional concerns focus on how economic conditions in China pose opportunities for U.S. enterprise and how the evolution of conditions in China fosters U.S. security, economic, and political interests. Congressional concern with China grew in 1995 and 1996 as a result of reports of the serious decline in the health of senior Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping. Present conditions in China include; A vibrant but sometimes overheated economy, A less divided central political leadership.
On May 31, the President formally recommended a one-year extension of most-favored-nation (MFN) treatment for China. [l] MFN treatment allows China's products to enter the United States at the same low tariff rates that apply to virtually all trading partners. Supporters of MFN status for China argue, among other things, that denial of MFN status could bring retaliatory actions that would hurt U.S. agricultural exports. China has threatened to retaliate if the United States denies it MFN treatment. Since China is a leading market for U.S. agricultural products, the threat of such action is a serious matter for U.S. agricultural interests.
Although recent development of China's wealth and power poses opportunities as well as challenges for U.S. policy, participants at a CRS seminar on dealing with China's rise focused on the challenges. China is seen as a very large, strategically located country undergoing rapid economic growth and social change, and ruled by authoritarian political leaders. Since the Maoist era, China has made great strides in conforming to many international norms, but a combination of rising Chinese power and nationalistic assertiveness poses serious problems for: U.S. security interests in Asia; U.S. efforts to curb trafficking in technology for weapons of mass destruction and conventional weapons; U.S. support for a smooth running market basedinternational economic systems; and U.S. backing of other international norms regarding human rights, environmental protection and other issues.
In the months approaching China's resumption of sovereignty over Hong Kong on July 1, 1997, policy analysts are trying to assess how the territory will fare under Chinese rule. The answer is important to U.S. interests because of the enormous U.S. economic presence in Hong Kong; because any adverse developments in Hong Kong are likely to affect U.S.-China relations; and because China's promise to give Hong Kong a high degree of autonomy under the "one-China, two-systems" policy has major implications for Taiwan. But given the political situation, the American ability to affect the course of events in Hong Kong seems marginal unless the U.S. decides to confront Beijing more directly. Developments in U.S.-China relations in 1994-1995 suggest Washington might be hesitant to do so.
The continuation in effect of China's most-favored-nation status with the United States is contingent principally on the maintenance in force of the waiver of full compliance with the requirements of the freedom-of-emigration ("Jackson-Vanik") amendment of the Trade Act of 1974. Waivers and their underlying authority must be extended annually.
Tensions in the Taiwan Straits are prompting American policymakers to consider a range of measures that would demonstrate U.S. interests in Taiwan's security. President Clinton has ordered two U.S. carrier battle groups into the South China Sea, and Congress is considering legislation that would more forcefully express U.S. defense commitments to Taiwan.
Lending to China from the multilateral development banks (MDBs) increased four-fold between 1985 and 1994, from $1.1 billion to $4.3 billion. China is now the MDBs' largest single borrower country. There is considerable debate today, however, whether the MDBs should continue lending to China. In particular, there is sharp debate whether the World Bank should continue making concessional loans to China.
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