The Congressional Globe, Volume 26: Thirty-Second Congress, Second Session Page: 56
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56
THE CONGRESSIONAL GLOBE.
Dec. 14,
to the meek the inheritance of the Heavenly King-
dom.
Daniel Webster's mind was not subtle, but <1
was clear. Ii was surpassingly logical in the ex-
ercise of induction, and equally vigorous and
majestic in all its movements—and yet he pos-
sessed an imagination so strong that if it had been
combined with even a moderated enthusiasm of
temper, would have overturned the excellent bal-
ance of his powers.
The civilian rises in this, as in other Republics,
by the practice of eloquence, and so Daniel Web-
ster became an orator—the fiist of orators.
Whatever else concerning him has been contro-
verted by anybody, the fifty thousand lawyers of
the United States, interested to deny his preten-
sions, conceded to him an unapproachablesuprem-
acy at the bar. How did he win that high place?
Where others studied laboriously, he meditated
intensely. Where others appealed to the preju-
dices and passions of courts and juries, he ad-
dressed only their understandings. Where others
lost themselves among the streams, he ascended
to the fountain. While they sought the rules of
law among conflicting precedents, he found them
in the eternal principles of reason and justice.
But it is concedinstoo much to the legal profes-
sion to call Daniel Webster a lawyer. Lawyers
speak for clients and their interests—he seemed
always to be speaking for his country and for
truth. So he rose imperceptibly above his pro-
fession; and while yet in the Forum, he stood be-
fore the world a Publicist. In this felicity, he
resembled, while he surpassed, Erskine, who
taught the courts at Westminster the law of moral
responsibility; and he approached Hamilton, who
educated the courts at Washington in the Consti-
tution of their country and the philosophy of
Government.
An undistinguishable line divides this high prov-
ince of the Forum from the Senate, to which his
philosophy and eloquence were perfectly adapted.
Here, in times of stormy agitation and bewildering
excitement, when as yet the union of these States
seemed not to have been cemented and consoli-
dated, and its dissolution seemed to hang, if not
on theimmediate result of the debate, at least upon -
the popular passion that that result must generate, i
Daniel Webster put forth his mightiest efforts, I
confessedly the greatest ever put forth here or on I
this continent. Those efforts produced marked i
effect on the Senate, they soothed the public mind, ]
and became enduring lessons of instruction to our
countrymen on the science of constitutional law,
and the relative powders and responsibilities of the
Government, and the rights and duties of the States
and of citizens.
Tried by ancient definitions, Daniel Webster
was not an orator. He studied no art, and prac-
ticed no action. Nor did he form himself by any
admitted model. He had neither the directness
and vehemence of Demosthenes, nor the fullness
and flow of Cicero, nor the intenseness of Milton,
nor the magnificence of Burke. It was happy for
him that he had not. The temper and tastes of
his age and country required eloquence different
from all these, and they found it in the pure logic
and the vigorous yet massive rhetoric which con-
stituted the style of Daniel Webster.
Daniel Webster, although a statesman, did not
aim to be either a popular or a parliamentary
leader. He left common affairs and questions to
others, and reserved himself for those great and
infrequent occasions which seemed to involve the
prosperity or the continuance of the Republic.
On these occasions he rose above partisan influ-
ences and alliances, and gave his counsels earn-
estly and with impassioned solemnity, and always
with an unaffected reliance upon the intelligence
and virtue of his countrymen.
The first revolutionary assembly that convened
in Boston promulgated the principles of the Revo-
lution of 1688—" Resistance to unjust laws is
obedience to God"—and it became the watchword
throughout the Colonies. Under that motto the
Colonies dismembered the British Empire, and
erected the American Republic. At an early day,
it seemed to Daniel Webster, that the habitual
cherishing of that principle, after its great work
had been consummated, threatened to subvert in
its turn the free and beneficent Constitution,
which afforded the highest attainable security
against the passage of unjust laws. He addressed
hihiself therefore assiduously and almost alone to
what seemed to him the duty of calling the Amer-
ican 'ieop'.e back from revolutionary theories to
the formation of habits of peace, order, and sub-
mission to authority. He inculrated'the duty of
submission by States and citizens toall laws passed
within the province of constitutional authority,
and of absolute reliance on constitutional remedies
for the correction of all errors and the redress of
all injustice. This was the political gospel of
Daniel Webster. He preached it in season and
out of season, boldly, constantly, with the zeal of
an apostle, and with the devotion, if there were
need, of a martyr. It was full of saving influences
while he lived, and those influences will last so
long as the Constitution and'the Union shall en-
dure.
I do not dwell on Daniel Webster's exercise of
administrative functions. It was marked by the
same abili'y that distinguished all his sichievments
in other fields of duty. It was at the same time
eminently conservative of peace, and of the great
principles of constitutional liberty, on which the
republican institutions of his country were found-
ed. But while those administrative services bene-
fi'ed his country, and increased his fame, we all
felt, nevertheless, that hisproperand highest place
was here, where there was field and scope for his
philosophy and his eloquence—here, among the
equal representatives of equal States, which were
at once to be held together, and to be moved on in
the establishment of a continental power control-
ling all the American States, and balancing those
of the Eastern World, and we could not but ex-
claim, in the words of the Roman orator, when we
saw him leave the Legislative Councils to enter on
the office of Administration—
" Quanlis in angustiis, vestra gloria St dilatari
relit."
Mr. STOCKTON. Mr. President, I came to
this city only this morning, and to the Senate
Chamber wholly unapprised in relation to the
present solemn and interesting proceedings. It
would therefore not become me, or the solemnity
and grandeur of the occasion, to mingle, so en-
tirely unprepared as I needs must be, my voice
with the eloquent voice of lamentation which has
this morning done honor to the Senate, for any
other purpose than simply and briefly to express
my grief, my sorrow—ay, sir, wy heartfelt, per-
vading sorrow, when I heard that Daniel Webster
was dead!
Senators, I have known and loved Daniel Web-
ster for thirty years. What wonder, then, I
should sorrow ? But now that I am on my feet, and
the Senate who knew and loved him too are my
listeners, how am I to express that sorrow ? I
cannot do it; it cannot be done; our language is too
poor. O, sir, all words, in moments like these,
when grief or love is to be expressed, are cold and
frigid. Senators, I can even now hardly realize
the sad event, that Daniel Webster is really dead;
that he does not " still live." I did hope that God,
who has watched over this Republic, who can do
all things, who hung the earth upon nothing, who
so endowed the mind of Daniel Webster, would
have still longer upheld its frail tenement, and
kept him as an example not only to our own men,
but to the men of th®whole world. Indeed, it is
no figure of speech when we say that his fame
was " world wide." •
But, Senators, I rise to pronounce no eulogy on
him. I am up for no such vain purpose. I come
with no ceremony; but I come to the portals of
his grave, stricken with sadness; and here, before
the assembled Senate—ay, sir, in the presence of
friends as well as Senators—because, whether they
be of this side of the Chamber or the other side of
the Chamber, I hope I am entitled to calt every
Senator my friend—to mingle my grief with the
grief of those around me. I rise here with no
hope of adding one gravel-stone to the colossal
column he has erected for himself; but I come
only to hang a garland of friendship on the bier
of one of the greatest and best men I ever knew.
Senators, you have known Mr. Webster in his
public character—as a statesman of almost intui-
tive perceptions-—as a lawyer of unsurpassed
learning and ability—as a ripe and general scholar.
But it was my happiness to know him as a man
in the seclusion of private life, and in the perform-
ance of sacred domestic duties, and of reciprocal
friendship. I say here in this presence, and as far
as my poor voice may reach, that he was remark-
able for all those attributes that constitute a noble,
a generous, hospitable, high-minded, courageous
man. Sir, as far as my researches into the his-
tory of the world have gone, they have failed to
furnish his superior—not even on the records of
ancient Greece, or Rome, or any other nation, is to
be found a man of superior endowments to our
own Webster.
Mr. President, in private life he was generous
to a fault. In public life, his whole mind was
absorbed in his " country, his whole country,
and nothing but his country." Sir, one act of his
—one speech of his, made in this Chamber, has
placed him before all men of antiquity. He of-
fered himself—yes. you all remember, in that
seat there, he rose and offered himself a living sac-
rifice for his country. And Lord Bacon said that
he who offers himself as a sacrifice for his coun-
try, is a sisht for the Angels to look upon.
Mr. President, my feelings upon this occasion
will not surprise Senators who remember that
these are no new sentiments for me; that when he
was living, I had the temerity to say that Daniel
Webster was the greatest amongst men and a
true patriot; ay, sir, and when it was supposed
that it interfered with my political aspirations.
Well, sir, if an empire had been then hanging on
my words, I would not have amended or altered
one sentiment.
Having said thus much of the dead, allow me
to express one single word of thanks to the hon-
orable Senator from Michigan, [Mr. Cass.] Sir,
I have often had occasion to feel sentiments of re-
gard, and, if he will permit me to say it, of affec-
tionate regard, for him, and sometimes to express
them; but the emotions created in my heart by his
address this morning are not easily expressed. I
thank him; in the fullness of my heart I thank him;
and may God spare him to our country many
years. May he long remain here in our midst, as
he is at this day, in all the strength of manhood,
and in all the glory of matured wisdom.
The resolutions submitted by Mr. Davis were
unanimously agreed to.
On the motion of Mr. SEWARD, the Senate
adjourned.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
j Tuesday, December 14, 1852.
The House met at twelve o'clock, m. Prayer
by the Rev. James Gallaher.
The Journal of yesterday was read and approved.
The SPEAKER. Petitions are in order from
the State of Maine.
On motion by Mr. BOWIE, by unanimous
consent,
Ordered, That leave be granted for the withdrawal from
the files of the House of the papers in the case of Colonel
Thomas Bullitt, for the purpose of reference to one of the
Executive Departments.
On motion by Mr. BRAGG, by unanimous
consent,
Ordered, That leave be granted for the withdrawal from
the files of the House, of the papers in the case of W.
Worinlcy, for the purpose of reference to one of the Exec-
utive Departments.
Mr. BOWIE. I ask the unanimous consent of
the House to take from the Speaker's table, Senate
bill No. 230, enttiled"An act for the relief of
the heirs and representatives of the late Robert
Sewell," that it may be referred to the Committee
on Claims.
Mr. KING, of New York. I object.
Mr. EDGERTON. I ask the unanimous con-
sent of the House to allow the Committee on
Claims to make reports, that they may be referred
to the Committee of the Whole House, and be
printed. I see no other way by which justice is
to be done private claimants.
Messrs. BOCOCK and LETCHER objected.
Mr. BO WIE. I more a suspension of the rules
that a motion to that effect may be introduced.
The SPEAKER. It is not in order to move to
suspend the rules of the House except on Monday.
Mr. CURTIS. I ask the unanimous consent of
the House for leave to withdraw from its files the
papers in the case of Archibald Marion.
The SPEAKER. For what purpose does the
gentleman desire the withdrawal of the papers?
Mr. CURTIS. The withdrawal is requested
that the proofs may be completed.
Mr. KING, of New York. For that purpose
I object to the withdrawal of the papers, although
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United States. Congress. The Congressional Globe, Volume 26: Thirty-Second Congress, Second Session, book, 1853; Washington D.C.. (https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc30783/m1/96/: accessed April 18, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, UNT Digital Library, https://digital.library.unt.edu; crediting UNT Libraries Government Documents Department.