Register of Debates in Congress, Comprising the Leading Debates and Incidents of the First Session of the Nineteenth Congress Page: 101
1632 columns, xi p. ; 25 cm.View a full description of this book.
Extracted Text
The following text was automatically extracted from the image on this page using optical character recognition software:
101
OF DEBATES IN CONGRESS.
102
Feb. 14, 1826.]
Florida Ganal.
[SENATE.
fairly within our constitutional powers. He woujdintreat
die friends of this measure not to embarrass it by a proposi-
■ tion differing somewhat in principle, and, also in its details.
Before he sat down, Mr. H. said, he would notice a re-
mark that the gentleman front Virginia, (Mr, Rasdolmi,)
had made, in speaking of the State be (Mr. H,) had the
honor to represent, though not in any terms of which he
complained. He had asked, whether S.outh Carolina had
received any portions of the favors of the Federal Govern-
ment, in this respect, and whether some of her roads did
not need it? It so happened, Mr. H. said, that he never
had, like the gentleman from Virginia, travelled the road
to which he afiuded; he, therefore, couldnot say what
was its present condition! but he would inform the gen-
tleman that the State of South Carolina, within a few
years, had expended nearly two millions of dollars in cut-
ting its own canals, and making its own roads; and if that
gentleman should ever honor that State with another visit,
and accept of the hospitality of its citizens, he would find
the ways open,-and in good order, and he would, Ik;
hoped, have a pleasant journey. As regarded the favors
of the General Government, Mr. H. said, it was true they
tad received none. Though their harbors had been sur-
yeyed with a view to fortify them, the works had not yet
been begun. They had never asked for favors, and were
not mueh in the habit of complaining; but, when they did
ask, he hoped they would not be refused.
Mr. RANDOLPH said, the gentleman from South Ca-
rolina had misapprehended him; and it was probable it
arose from the clumsiness of his (Mr. R's.) own expres-
sion—a fault to which he was afraid, from the consequen-
ces that had followed his addressing this body, he was too
much addicted. He did but mean to state that there was
a distinction between these questions, taken upon political
metaphysics—between the power of Congress within a
State, and over a Territory, taken upon political metaphy-
sics—but he was almost sick of political metaphysics. He
did not believe that Congress had all the powers within a
State, that they had within a Territory; but he did not see
the difference between Congress putting.their hand into
his pocket, for the purpose of cutting a canal in the State
of Alabama, which was a Territory yesterday, or in the
Territory of Florida, which will be a State to-morrow.
Some of the earliest lessons he received in politics, Mr. R.
said, were under that great teacher, old Roger Sherman;
and another great teacher, the most sagacious man, per-
haps, that Virginia ever bred, old George Mason. They
always went for the substance of the thing, and not for
the shadow. Sherman's rule was, give me the vote, and
take the argument. He was for the practice; as the gen-
tleman from Maine said, he was fertile money—keeping
it within the Treasury of the United States, or in the
pockets of his constituents, where it was more safe to
lodge it than in any Government under the Sun, and from
which it was Mr, R's beliefj it ought to be, by no Go-
vernment that consults the interest and, happiness of the
People, ever taken, without real and obvious necessity.
In regard to this necessity, in regard to this Scylla arid
Charybdis, it has been about as much exaggerated, as in the
old story thatwe have read of in our youth, in the blind old
man of Scio's Rocky Isle. Go to the Insurance Offices
and ask what is the insurance against the sea risk, pirates
:tnd all ? Was it ten per cent. ? It was long, Mr. R. said,
since he had any thing to do with the Treasury; it was
long since he.Iiad devoted his mind to statistics—to such
. minutiae; but he was convinced, that insurance of the Unit-
ed States, to no part of the world, even doubling Cape
-Worn, amounted to ten per cent. A gentleman near me,
irf commercial experience, says it is from one anda half to
two per cent.
-Mr. R. said, he did expect that, when the gentleman
from. South Carolina gave him so warm an invitation to his
aative State, he wouldbave reminded him that the first
step in this, as.in some other cases, constituted the chief
difficulty—lie meant from thisplacctoFredericksburgh—
the great Serbonian bog between Occoquan and Chapa ■
wamsic. He would only say to the gentleman from South
Carolina, that such was the hospitality of his reception,
when in that State, that he did not require an invitation
tp repeat it The hospitality of South Carolina was pro-
verbial.
Mr. R. was very sorry, that, in the use of ridicule as an
argument on this floor, he had fallen under the censure
of any member, but he should be permitted to take shel-
ter under a high authority—one of the strong positions oji
the continent of Literature. As this very high authority had
asserted that ridicule was the best weapon by which
to cut up great tilings, a fortiori, it must apply to little
ones.
He could not agree, with the gentleman from Maine,
that Congress possesses the same power over their other
Territories that they possess over the District of Columbia;
and why so > Because it was not necessary for him to tell
the gentleman from Maine that nullum simile est idem.
The Territory' of .Florida or Arkansaw is a Territory, and
the Territory or District of Columbia is a Territory; and
so far they are alike—as like as Macedon and Monmouth;
there is a river in Macedon, and there is a river Mon-
mouth—so says Fluellen; and there are salmons in both:
this was to prove the parallel between Alexander the
Great and Harry the Fifth; but in no other respects, but
that they are called Territories, is there any similitude,
much less identity. Indeed there is not even a similarity—
not even in name. What are the words of the Constitu-
tion? Mr. R. said he was very sorry that this book [hold-
ing up the Constitution] was so seldom resorted to. It
was like the Bible, in which we kept receipts, deeds, &c:
and never looked into it except when we happen to want
them; and even then we are so little in the habit of using
it, that we forget where they are mislaid. The words of
the Constitution are these: "Congress shall have power
to exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever,
over such district, (not exceeding ten miles square,) as
may, by cession of particular States, and the acceptance
of Congress, become the seat of Government of the Unit-
ed States, and to exercise like authority over all plices
purchased, by the consent of the Legislature of thejftate
in which the same shall be, for the erection ef forts, ma-
gazines, arsenals, dockyards, and other heedful build-
ings." Here, said Mr. R. was their authority over the
District of Columbia; which, adopting the nomenclature
of the Constitution, was not even a Territory—and now
for the authority over the Territories. " The Congress
shall have power to dispose of, and make all needful rules
and regulations respecting, the Territory or other pro-
perty belonging to the United States." If Congress pos-
sesses the same power over the other Territories, Michi-
gan for instance, that it possesses over the District of ten
miles square, thenMichigancouldnever becomea State—
and he should not be very sorry to hear it. Could this
ten miles square ever become a State? No, it could not.
If it were to become as populous as London, and the dis-
trict ten miles round London, it never could become a
State; it never could have a Representative in the other
branch of the Legislature, or two Senators on this floor.
It could only have a Delegate, to speak, but not to vote;
and he was not quite certain that the Constitution would
authorize, even that. What was the case with Indiana,
Ohio, Illinois, &c, ? They were under a certain ordinance,
which will live forever in the statute book and in history,
a monument (he was sorry to say it) of the folly, the infa-
tuation of his parent State. They are, if you please, a ;
Territory over which Congres.? shall have poweT to make j
all needful rules and regulations. Does that sound like j
omnipotent sovereign authority ? But let that pass. But j
they arc in an inchoate condition—They are—as eld Lilly I
Upcoming Pages
Here’s what’s next.
Search Inside
This book can be searched. Note: Results may vary based on the legibility of text within the document.
Tools / Downloads
Get a copy of this page or view the extracted text.
Citing and Sharing
Basic information for referencing this web page. We also provide extended guidance on usage rights, references, copying or embedding.
Reference the current page of this Book.
Gales, Joseph, 1761-1841. Register of Debates in Congress, Comprising the Leading Debates and Incidents of the First Session of the Nineteenth Congress, book, 1826; Washington D.C.. (https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc30753/m1/55/: accessed April 24, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, UNT Digital Library, https://digital.library.unt.edu; crediting UNT Libraries Government Documents Department.