Register of Debates in Congress, Comprising the Leading Debates and Incidents of the First Session of the Nineteenth Congress Page: 191
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191
GALES & SE A TON'S REGISTER
192
SENATE.]
On the Panama Mission—("in conclave. _)
[Makch, 1826<
by this mission, to form an " eventual alliance" to maintain
principles which have never yet been avowed but by one
department of our Government, and which alliance is to
be kept " secret" from the People and States whom we
represent ? Is it to be locked up here as " confidential,"
till the casus foederis happens, and then our Government
branded as perfidious, unless they join in the war? What
is a mere adoption of the mission, but an assent to this
dangerous doctrine, that we are now pledged, and are
willing' to remain pledged, in certain events, to take part
in this foreign war—a war on the despotic principle of
maintaining countries more remote from us than Europe
itself, in a balance of power; a war on the reprobate prin-
ciple—the principle contradicted by all the practice and
professions of our early administrations—of interference
in the internal concerns, transfers, colonizations, and con-
troversies, of other nations.
Nor is this view of the nature and tendency of these
principles confined to the Spanish States. The Executive
Department of this Government must entertain similar
notions, and are now virtually calling upon the other De-
partments to oppose or reject them. The President him-
self merely speaks of "an agreement between all the
parties represented at the meeting" at Panama on these
points, (message, December 26,1825.) But the Secretary
of State to Mr. Poinsett, October 25, 1825, (page 57,)
says, " no longer than about three months ago, when an
invasion by France, of the Island of Cuba, was believed at
Mexico, the United Mexican Government promptly called
on the Government of the United States, through you, to
fulfil the memorable pledge of the President of the United
States, in his message to Congress, of December, A. D.
1823; what they would have done, had the contingency
happened, may be inferred from a despatch to the Ame-
rican Minister at Paris," &c. Then follows that despatch,
dated October 25, 1825, in which he deliberately avows,
that "we could not consent to the occupation of those
Islands by any other European Power than Spain, under
any contingency whatever." The same sentiment is repeated
to Mr. Middleton, December 26,1825, (page 47,) " we can-
not allow a transfer of the Island (of Cuba) to any Euro-
pean Power." Has it indeed come to this? that we are to
tell the Autocrat of fifty millions he has not the same
right to take a transfer of Porto Rico, as we had to take a
transfer of Florida? Is this republicanism, equal rights,
and received national law; or is it some marvellous disco-
very of the present age? And are we prepared, by this
mission, to back up, by a war, the menace to France, that,
in no contingency whatever, shall she be allowed to oc-
cupy Cuba, although she buy it of Spain by as fair and as
honest a treaty as that by which we purchased Louisiana
gf France herself?
Are these the doctrines of the American Congress, or
of the American People? or do they savor of the Holy
Alliance? Permit me again to repeat, that there is no
mistake on these points. We act with our eyes open,
and with the naked principle, exhibited in so many dif-
ferent postures, and in such bold relief, that, if the mission
is once sent to enter into measures to enforce it, the die is
cast forever, unless we prove perfidious and treasonable
when the contingency occurs. Mr. Poinsett, 28th Sep-
tember, 1825, (page 54,) removes all doubt on the other
point also; because, he says, "the United States had
pledged themselves not to permit any other Power to
interfere either with their (Spanish American) indepen-
dence, or form of Government; and that, as, in the event
of such an attempt being made by the Powers of Europe,
we should be compelled to take the most active and effi-
cient part, and to bear the brunt of the contest, it was not
just that we should be placed on a less favorable footing
than the other Republics of America, whose existence we
were ready to support at such hazards."
But the United States, as a Government have not yet
pledged themselves to any such entangling and despotic
principle, in respect to any other Nation whatever. They
have not yet agreed to " bear the brunt of the contest"
in any foreign war; nor support, "at such hazards," " the
independence or form of government" of any Nation or
State, except ouf own Nation and those of the States com-
posing our own Confederacy. Any such " agreement"
would violate the Constitution, and plunge us into a vor-
tex of new coalitions and confederacies, abhorrent to
every feeling and maxim of our most venerated fathers.
Avowals of such principles, whether made by Mr. Monroe
or others, are very justly, on one occasion, styled by the
Secretary, " uncalculating declarations."—(Letter to Mr.
Poinsett, page 56.) But, after time to calculate and con-
sider, let me ask, in the name of all which is sacred and
holy, will gentlemen still pronounce a mission pacific, and
safe, and expedient, whose confessed and leading object
is to discuss "the means of giving" "all possible force"
to our " co-operation" in such principles? and to settle
the mode of that " co-operation" when we are called on
"to bear the brunt of the contest"—to settle how many
of our gallant sons are to find ignoble graves under the
tropical sun of Guatemala, if some petty Hessian Prince
should hire a regiment of infantry to Spain ? or how many
of our fearless seamen are to be sacrificed to prevent
other nations from taking possession of Cuba or Porto
Rico in the same manner we ourselves took possession of
Louisiana and Florida?
Where, also, is the crisis—where the emergency to
justify such an extraordinary measure' "Why quit our
own, to stand on foreign ground ?" Why join our fortunes
in any case, much less in an useless war with Powers of
another origin—another tongue—another faith? Have we
become incompetent to our self-defence ? Are we in need
of foreign " councils," and foreign " deliberations" to
manage our own concerns? Or are we so moon-struck, or
so little employed at home, as, in the eloquent language
of our President, on another occasion—when the senti-
ments expressed found a response in every patriot heart,
—as to wander abroad in search of foreign monsters to
destroy ? Speaking of America, and her foreign policy, he
observed, " She has abstained from interference in the
concerns'of others, even when the conflict has been for
principles to which she clings as to the last vital drop
which visits the heart." "Whenever the standard of free-
dom and independence has been, or shall be unfurled,
there will her heart, her benedictions, and her prayers be,
But she goes not abroad in search of monsters to destroy.
She is the well-wisher to the freedom and independence
of all. She is the champion and vindicator only of her
own."—(Adams'Oration, 4th July, 1821.) This is the
first time that the Legislative Department of our Go-
vernment has ever been distinctly appealed to for its
sanction to the new notions thus ably denounced by him;
and if we now approve the Panama Congress, whose chief
object is to enforce them, we at once adopt and approve
the principle, that Spain has not, by such alliances as na-
tional law warrants, and as were formed on both sides in
our own Revolution, any right to attempt to reconquer
and recolonize South America; and further, that she has
not, by such sales as national law warrants, and as we our-
selves have partaken, any right to transfer Cuba or Porto
Rico to any European Power with whom she can agree
upon the purchase money; and that these unprecedented
and unjust positions we are willing to maintain at any
sacrifice of blood and treasure.
These questions have no concern with our foreign recog-
nition of the independence of South America, any move
than with our recognition of the Government of Spain
under her Cortes. That recognition was doubtless proper
and friendly, but every sciolist in jurisprudence must
know, that it has imposed no obligation on us to fight
with her for that independence, any more than our recog-
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Gales, Joseph, 1761-1841. Register of Debates in Congress, Comprising the Leading Debates and Incidents of the First Session of the Nineteenth Congress, book, 1826; Washington D.C.. (https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc30753/m1/100/: accessed April 23, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, UNT Digital Library, https://digital.library.unt.edu; crediting UNT Libraries Government Documents Department.