The Debates and Proceedings in the Congress of the United States, Fourth Congress, First Session Page: 21
[754], [xvii] p.View a full description of this book.
Extracted Text
The following text was automatically extracted from the image on this page using optical character recognition software:
21
HISTORY OF CONGRESS.
22
December, 1795.] Address to
it was necessary to attend to tlie wording of the
clause. He read it. As to tlie signification of
that part which relates to our foreign concerns, he
did not consider it as hypothetical, but a positive
declaration of a conviction that their situation is
satisfactory, and on that ground he wished to meet
the question.
The clause objected to expresses an expectation
that the causes of external disagreement which
have unhappily existed, will be peaceably done
away. He said he had that expectation; many
have it not. Those who have it not will negative
the clause ; those who have it will vote in its favor;
the result will be the sense of a majority; the
Senate could not be expected, more than on other
occasions, to be unanimous; if the declarations
contained in those clauses are supported, they will
be considered as the sense of the majority of the
Senate, others may dissent; but because unan-
imity could not be obtained it was no reason why
the majority should give a virtual negative to the
declaration which they conceived founded on
truth.
He examined in detail the situation of our
external relations, to show the foundation on
which he rested his expectation of a satisfactory
arrangement of them, and of our general pros-
perity in that respect. With Morocco, our trea-
ties arc renewed. With Algiers, assurances are
given by the Executive that a peace is not far
distant. With Spain, on the same authority, it is
understood that our prospects are favorable in that
quarter. With the hitherto hostile Indians, a
peace is within roach; and the only quarter in
which doubt can arise is from Great Britain. But
even with respect to that nation, his expectation
was, that our differences there would termiuatc
amicably; and he believed this to be the expecta-
tion of the Senate, as a collective body.
Mr. E. then went into the examination of some
other parts of the clauses objected to, and vindi-
cated the propriety of the epithets, enlightened,
firm, persevering, and concluded by lamenting that
there existed a difference of opinion, but hoped that
this would not deter the majority from an'expres-
sion of their sense.
Mr. Tazewell said, the discussion had taken a
turn different from that which he expected when
ho heard the motion. He understood the motion
at the time it was made, <ind still so understood
it, as not intending to question the propriety of
any thing which was contained in the Presi-
dent's communication to both Houses of Con-
gress. But from what had been said (by Mr.
Read, of South Carolina) that part of the answer
to the President's communication which had
given rise to the motion, was intended to have a
further operation than he originally believed. He
asked what had given rise to the practice of return-
ing an answer of any kind to the President's com-
munication to Congress in the form of an Address?
There was nothing, he said, in the Constitution,
or in any of the fundamental rules of the Federal
Government which required that ceremony from
either branch of the Congress. The practice was
but an imitation of the ceremonies used upon like
President. [Senate.
occasions in other countries, and was neither re-
quired by the Constitution, nor authorized by the
principles upon which our Government was erect-
od. But having obtained, he did not intend now
to disturb it. To allow the utmost latitude to
the principle which had begotten the practice, it
could only tolerate the ceremony as a compliment
to the Chief Magistrate. It could not be permit-
ted to arrest all opinions previous to regular dis-
cussions, nor to operate as a means of pledging
members to the pursuit of a particular course,
which subsequent and more full inquiries might
show to be extremely improper. Every answer,
therefore, to the Pkesident's communication
ought to be drawn in terms extremely general, nei-
ther seducing the President into a belief that this
House would pursue a general recommendation
into points not at first contemplated by them, nor
pledged themselves to the world that that state
of things was just, which time had not permitted
them thoroughly to examine. The clauses now
under consideration had, at least in one instance,
deviated from this principle. They declare to
the world, " That the interesting prospect of our
affairs with regard to the foreign Powers, between
whom and the United States controversies have
subsisted, is not more satisfactory than the review
of our internal situation." The communications
from the President have not uttered so bold a
sentiment, nor is there any thing in those com-
munications that justifies the assertion of this
fact: Placing the Treaty with Great Britain out
of the question, which seems to have been the up-
permost consideration when this sentence was
penned, the seizure of our provision vessels since
the signature of that Treaty, and the unwarranta-
ble imprisonment of <mr seamen, are acts which
cloud our prosperity and happiness. The minds
of the Americans must be brought to consider
these things as trivial incidents in our po-
litical affairs, before the sentence under consider-
ation can be approved. He said he must, therefore,
vote for the motion to strike out the two
clauses of the answer, in order that some more fit
expressions might then be introduced to succeed
them. He hoped the answer might be couched, in
terms just and delicate towards tho President,
without wounding tho feelings of any Senator;
and he believed both might be done without any
difficulty after tlie two clauses were expunged.
After some further observations from Messrs.
Mason, Butler, and Blqodworth, in which the
latter expressed the opinion that he did conceive
the terms of our peace with Great Britain consistent
with the dignity and honor of the United States,
â– the question was put, and decided for striking
out—ayes 8, noes 14.
On a further attempt to amend one of the clauses
some conversation took place more remarkable for
ingenuity than interesting for solidity, being chiefly
a debate upon words. The Senate divided on it—
7 to 15.
On the question, of agreeing to the Address, it
was carried—14 to 8, as follows:
Yeas.—Messrs. Bingham, Cabot, Ellsworth, Foster,
Upcoming Pages
Here’s what’s next.
Search Inside
This book can be searched. Note: Results may vary based on the legibility of text within the document.
Tools / Downloads
Get a copy of this page or view the extracted text.
Citing and Sharing
Basic information for referencing this web page. We also provide extended guidance on usage rights, references, copying or embedding.
Reference the current page of this Book.
Gales, Joseph, 1761-1841. The Debates and Proceedings in the Congress of the United States, Fourth Congress, First Session, book, 1855; Washington D.C.. (https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc29469/m1/9/: accessed April 25, 2024), University of North Texas Libraries, UNT Digital Library, https://digital.library.unt.edu; crediting UNT Libraries Government Documents Department.